By Advocate Mohamed Ahmed Abdi (Bacaluul)
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| Advocate Mohamed Ahmed Abdi |
Let’s
be pragmatic, and divorce ourselves from the political sweet-talking in order
to put the lid on the underneath fevers of public discontent. In end, the
reality will lift the hazy fog of the short-living delusions, and political
entertainments. As we are in our democratic transition, our state-building
process is grappling with economic challenges resulted from both internal and
external factors. In this regard, we are not obliged to make sky-painting
promises or waste our time on blaming ourselves with things that are beyond our
institutional and economic capacity. It is time; we should admit what we can
do, and what cannot do. The time we should push vote-seeking games aside,
because such elections are tending to be improper tools for social and economic
change.
I
did not prefer Kulmiye to Udub party, because they told good things in the
rallies, but what I had read from their printed platform. I have the reason to
distinct the political ads from the doable promises that need nothing more than
commitment. Unlike, social problems, the institutional reform offered in the
party program is not on every one’s lips. For me, it was the main elements that
made interested in Silanyo’s election. As most of the people do, I got fed up
with reasonless extensions of Riyale’s terms and the prospects of dictatorship
tendencies of his conducts. If you believe that Somaliland will be a best place
for everyone without Riyaleh, you are absolutely fooled, Because Kulmiye’s men
are not prophets sent down from the heaven. They have same human traits,
selfishness and their own individualistic interests too.
In
their platform Kulmiye had addressed some pressing issues that could not be
tackled without institutional reform. To reduce the rampant corruption,
injustice, and the poor-functioning public sector. Kulmiye had addressed
the need to restructure the legal framework of the existing institutions. They
promised to strengthen the role of the controlling machines within the
governance. To hold the public sector and officials they said Kulmiye would
pull auditing, accounting and prosecution agencies out of the executive blanket
by granting full institutional and legal independence to enforce their
controlling rules on the government. The vision of full independent judiciary
could not be possible without making constitutional amendments on the
structural composition of the National Judiciary Commission. To let the courts
do their business, they promised to clear non-judiciary members from the desk
of the judiciary watchdog.
All
of that proposed institutional reform were not only credible, but also reflects
the commitments and loyal intentions of the would-be leader. It was achievable,
since it costs less than Hargiesa-Erigavo bumpy road. Also, it would be a
commendable act for Silanyo’s presidency, because to make this happen he would
have accepted the tenure of the government-controlling officials to be outside
his executive domain.
In
this time, we should admit that it is not possible to make efficient and strong
system without establishing capable institutions that can deliver public functions.
To do this, the president should not have to put all emphasis on how to put the
right persons on the right place, but he should set up structural and legal
framework of the existing institutions injecting them with full operating power
in which they can turn their wheels. In this regard, we have to use all
available knowledge to formulate and implement administrative policies that
could result in to societally desired outcomes. Alongside this, we have to
improve enforcement mechanisms through legal and human empowerment.
The
only way we can avoid repeating the same mistakes, is to place our emphasis on
how to install checking mechanism within the system. Otherwise, nothing will
stop from Kulmiye government to transfer empty public accounts to its
successor, as we had received from Udub. If we are fooled twice, damn to us. We
should blame ourselves, if we let the government institutions go loose, rather
than attributing all resultant failures, malfunctioning and power abuses to the
individuals we put in the driving seat to handle mechanically-failed
institutions. Accountable public entities are prerequisite for establishing
institutional qualities characterized with good governance. These public
institutions should be legally obliged to demonstrate that they have delivered
their stated commitments, requirements, and priorities and have used public
resources effectively. In doing so, they should present periodic public reports
along with performance information and accompanying financial statements.
Finally
before we found ourselves bound to get the corrupt officials off the hook, we
have to make the possibility of doing corrupt business more difficult.
Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Bacaluul
waddi12@hotmail.com
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