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Thursday, September 26, 2013

WHERE ARE WE GOING FROM HERE? SOMALILAND IS SHIFTING AWAY FROM NON-ACTIVE AND AVOIDINCE DIPLOMACY.



Written by: Advocate Mohamed Ahmed Abdi (Bacaluul)


As the Somaliland Foreign affairs take different course which is more different from the conservative and rigid approach of the previous administrations, namely Egal and Riyale governments, there is a strong backlash of skeptics and unanswered questions relating to the current trends. Most of these concerns are far deeper than the critics of the political rivals and its interested commentators but extended to the public at large. We see the Ministry of foreign affairs playing active role rather than reserving its conservative position or being responsive to the baseless claims of Mogadisho administrations. Recent overseas activities of Silanyo administration are strange to our political conduct. The political membrane that keeps power-hungry local politicians from getting involved in the projects of Federal-building efforts is worn thinner and thinner now. The Law that was prohibiting, Somalilanders to hold political positions or participate in Somalia-related arrangements were suspended, photographs of Federal and Somaliland President standing side by side was first time published, convicted Pirates descended From the South were shipped to  Somaliland detention facilities as it is their homeland. The control of our airspace seems to be merged with the air of Somalia under the current agreements.   Where are we going from her is the main question that racked our brains. Because until now, the Ministry of foreign affairs did not formulate formal foreign policy.  

In the practical sense, we have to acknowledge that steps were taken to the right side and stop blaming the unfriendly gestures of the foreign faces to our diplomatic agents, who bore such embarrassments for the sake of our nation. It is very hard for us to know where we are standing, unless we examine the procedures and tools employed for the theoretical judgments relating to the ways we behave when we are beyond the borders of the state. If there are no yet well-accepted standards or parameters, we are bound to find ourselves in the maze of contradicting arguments or confuse with the waves baseless critics from the media and the street cafes.

In the face of the politically manipulated reactions, the incumbent authority is forced to be more defensive rather than illustrative. As the echo of the political challenges gets higher, we find our government drifting away from the pragmatic context of its interfaces with the foreign states.  It is the time that protocol arrangements, red carpets and the background of Somaliland Flag are construed as the theme of diplomatic breakthrough claimed by the ruling government. This hollow argument tends to be one of the persuasive tactics used by the government to cool down the ensuing heat of the internal grumbles. 

Returning to the current headlines of our interaction with the outside world, now, we should refresh the way we are looking at things. Because, Silanyo is the captain of the boat this time. He raised and spread up the sail, expecting speedy winds that could push us to our destination. He is impatient with the snail-moving foreign affairs of his predecessors. Accordingly, he blew the awakening whistle to line-up his crew for the diplomatic adventures that lies ahead. His administration seems to be more adamant in reforming our foreign affairs without conceding to the opposite calls of the conservative politicians. Former Foreign Minister reiterated the need for a diplomatic change, and attacked the avoidance policy and the non-participative approach of the previous governments. For him, the process of our foreign conduct in Riyale’s administration was more idealistic rather than realistic. Our foreign policy was obsolete and incompatible with the dramatic regional and international trends, particularly to the situations that could have substantial effects on our geopolitical and social aspects. For this reason, Somaliland government should prepare itself to become one of the active players in the regional policies and transactions. 

Following to the initiative of reformists, Somaliland put itself in the frontline of the world-wide battles against the piracy. We signed bilateral agreements concerning the transfer of convicted Somali pirates with Seychelles.  Though Riyale’s government was more reluctant or one could say it had taken strong position against the idea of hosting inmates shipped from another country due to security concerns or labeling such transaction as unfavorable to our national interest. Somaliland is for the Somaliland pirates not for Somalia was the rhetoric of their political discourse. 

The national conference announced by independent politicians (The Forum of Consultation and National Guidance) is not the solution, because things are not worse to that extent. Although our headlights are dim as the shrouding fog that we are going through is getting thicker, we still have some reasons to be optimistic. The government still has some confidence and time to review it decisions. Yes, personally we appreciated your concerns over the future of Somaliland, about our dialogue with Somalia, and the potential uncertainties that need to be inclusively studied under far-sighted discussions participated by wide spectrum of politicians and civil society groups. But being admired with your views does not mean, you have a right to wear the shirt of the elected government.

Somaliland’s relations with outside world should not be determined by occasional meetings held in London or Rome nor the men appointed to run Ministry Of foreign affairs. Our reciprocal intercourses, relations and mutual interests with a given state should be directed by a formal policy. A written policy document which has legitimacy through parliamentary enactment is indispensable for the future of diplomatic engagements. Without policy, we will not have any idea on what our government is doing, and where we are standing in the face of dynamic global and regional trends. It is the policy that defines the roles of the government, of the political parties, civil societies and Diaspora in lobbing for Somaliland Recognition. 

In the absence of Formal policy, there are other instruments that determine the limits of our foreign conducts. All activities and agreements are to be measured through testing indicators that will determine their conformity to our national principles, their benefits to our geopolitical interests as well as our aspiration to international recognition; Somaliland Constitution is the source of legitimacy that defines the accuracy of the decisions and intercourses of our foreign officials. To hold the government accountable, transparency and parliamentary oversight is also paramount.

As we find ourselves in the middle of a dramatic diplomatic engagements led by the international community, our government should not underestimate the weights of the ongoing talks we have with Somalia. We are in the first step of a long, thorny process that is stretched far behind the term of Silanyo administration. Now, Somaliland government chose to be out of its shell, after more than two decades. This means we have more guts to put our entity as a separate State in to the test tube of the international politics, while our counterparts continue denying our historical and factual existence. In my perception, there is long way to go and Somaliland question though, it is not succeeded to become an internationally addressed issue; it is not comparatively less complicated than Israeli-Palestinian dispute. For this reason, we should institutionalize our negotiations with Somalia by internally addressing major elements that could be brought on the table and forecasting the challenging positions of our rivals in every dimension of the negotiating process. 

These preparatory engagements will not be possible without establishing structural body equipped with all affordable means necessary for the fulfillment of this cumbersome mandate. An institution that will embark long-term strategic perceptions that would lead our negotiating positions in the cycles of our talks is the first things first. The office will do systematic and practical researches steered by concerned experts who are able to foresee the best alternatives if things turn in to upside-down.  Politically non-partisan and technically selected experts ranging from historians, legal scholars, individuals with the knowledge of international relations should be assigned to undertake such massive task rather than leaving the entire job to easy-come-easy-going politically appointees.

Calling the negotiating members or putting things together within two or three days before scheduled date of the meeting will not take us anywhere. It is evident that members of the negotiating envoy are not structurally cohesive, cooperative or they are poorly organized when they return to the country due to their bureaucratic divisions within government. Everyone has a load of awaiting works in his office, thus none of them would have a time to review the effects of the previous discussions or anticipate the possibilities of the upcoming phases.

Avenue for the meetings should also be taken into consideration. The influence of the hosting states and its international status are one of the core elements that determine the prospects of the negotiating process. For instance, one can question what we can expect from Turkey, as the hosting state of Somaliland and Somalia summit. It is a diplomatically isolated when it comes to international arena, as well as, regionally non-active state. Furthermore, Turkey is not supposed to appreciate our separatist approach, due to the fear of the separatist PKK movement. Arabs are not expected to contribute much, because they are susceptible to the directions of Egyptian foreign policies, which since Soodare conference or for the purpose of its strategic regional preferences chose to diplomatically and economically isolate Somaliland from the Arab club. Hence, we should have a say in selection of the states hosting the meeting that could take place between Somaliland and Somalia. The country should have influential power and commitment to follow up how the parties are implementing their agreed terms.

Apart from the government, Oppositions and independent thinkers have obligations and responsibilities when we are dealing with foreign entities. In this national commitment, they should not sit on the fence to wait the scores of the game in order to exploit the resultant failures of the government for their own political interests. They should come up with their ideas and share their recommendation to the government using all available channels they have. It is better for them to show their position as an earlier precautionary guidance to the negotiators, rather than rushing to the critics of the government in a time we cannot re-adjust our positions.

I would like to conclude that admitting defeat is sometime worse than ignoring the reality, especially when your opponents are unaware of the suffering they inflicted to you. So we should avoid sinking like layer of foam when the outlook of things is getting bleak to our perceptions. In such like situations, we should stand with the government and fuel up with our confidence to make it move on till the end line of the race. 


Advocate Mohamed Ahmed Abdi (Bacaluul)