FAALLO: Dib Ula Soo Noqoshadii Qarannimada Soomaaliland

Qalinkii: Garyaqaan Cabdishakuur Cali Muxumed (Good Lawyer)

Hordhac.

Sahamis qaatay sannado kadib, sahamiyihii dalka Ingiriiska u dhashay ee Richard Burton iyo kaaliyihiisii J. H. Speke dhawr jeer ayey ku soo noqnoqdeen Somaaliland ilaa sannadkii 1855kii. sannadkii 1884kii ilaa sannadkii 1887kii dawladda Ingiriisku waxay ku hawlanayd sidii ay heshiisyo ula saxeexan lahayd madax-dhaqameedkii beelaha Soomaaliland. Sannadkii 1887kii ayuu ingiriisku ku guuleystay inay Soomaaliland noqoto maxmiyad uu Ingiriisku maamulo (British Somaliland Protectorate).

Halgan dheer oo sannado qaatay kadib, 26kii Juun 1960kii ayey Soomaaliland heshay xornimadeedii. 1dii Julaay 1960kiina waxay la midoowday Soomaaliya oo isla maalintaasi xoroowday. Midowgaasi kumuu iman rabitaan iyo laab-la-kac reer waqooyi oo keliya ee wuxuu ahaa himilo soomaaliyeed, waxaa jiray hami soomaali weyn oo la rabay in lagu mideeyo shantii soomaaliyeed ee kala qaybsanaa; Soomaaliland, Soomaaliya, Jabuuti, gobolka Soomaali Galbeed ee Itoobiya iyo NFD ama gobolka waqooyi bari ee Kiiniya. Maadaamaa ay Soomaaliland iyo Soomaaliya oo keli ahi ay xoroobeen, waxay noqotay inay iyagu horta ku midoobaan dalkii Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliyeed.

1969dii, ayey ciidankii xooga dalka Soomaaliyeed oo uu Hogaaminayey Maxamed Siyaad Barre ay inqilaab salmi ah ku qabsadeen taladii dalka. Laakiin waxaa laga dhaxlay cadaalad-darro iyo dulmi baahay. Waxa laga kulmay dil joogto ah, xadhig sharciga baal marsan, haween la kufsado, boqortooyo qoys iyo keli-talis axmaq ah.

1981kii ayuu bilaabmay halgankii dib-uxoreynta qaran ee ay SNM horseedka u ahayd. 1991kii markii maamulkii keli-taliska ahaa laga guuleysatay, shacabka reer Soomaaliland waxay la soo noqdeen qaranimadoodii foof-habowday 1960kii. Shirkii walaaleynta beelaha reer Soomaaliland ee ka dhacay magaalada Burco ayey shacabka reer Soomaaliland 18kii meey 1991kii ku dhawaaqeen inay ka go’een Soomaaliya oo ay kula midaysnaayeen qarankii burburay ee Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliyeed.

Maqaalkani waxaynu ku eegi doonaa dhalashadii qaranka Soomaaliland, waxaynu falaqayn sharci ku samayn doonaa midowgii ka dhaxeeyey Soomaaliland iyo Soomaaliya iyo sidii ay u dhaawacantay xornimadii Soomaaliland, innagoo ugu dambeyna iftiimin doonaa geedigii la soo noqoshada qarannimada Soomaaliland.

Dhalashadii Qaranka Soomaaliland.

Soomaalidoo calan taagta,

Saakaa noogu horeysoo,

In siddayda tihiin iyo,

In kalaanan saxaynine,

Saddex ‘wiig’ iyo maalmo,

Haddaan soor cuni waayo,

Safrad layga ma yaabo,

Sarina mayso naftayda ‘e.

Saaxirkii kala guuraaye,

Sarreeyoow ma-nusqaamoow,

Aan sidoo yahay eego ‘e.

Kaana siib kanna saar.

-          26kii Juun 1960kii, Timacadde.

Markuu dhulkii Soomaaliland noqday maxmiyad Ingiriis uu xukumo sannadkii 1887kii. Ingiriisku wuxuu bilaabay inuu wax ka badelo qaab-dhismeedkii bulshada. Talladii iyo madaxdii dadkaba wuu inqilaabay, wuxuu sameeyey golahii cuqaasha (Advisory Council) 1946kii. Golahaasi awood sharci-dajineed iyo mid fulineed toona ma lahayn. Soomaaliland waxaa xukumi jiray badhasaab laga soo magacaabi jiray ingiriiska.

Halgan gobonimo-doon ayaa guumaysiga la bilaabmay, waxaa ugu horeeyey halgankii darawiishta ee Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan uu hoogaamiyaha u ahaa. Laakiin Diisember 1921kii ayuu guuldareystay. Waxaa ku xigay halgankii Sh. Bashiir Xaaji Yuusuf iyo kooxdiisii,  iyagana wuxuu ingiriisku laayay 1943kii. Markii labadaa halgan ay guuldareysteen ayuu bilaabmayaa halgan suugaaneedkii ay hormoodka u ahaayeen Xaaji Axmed Aadan (Afqalooc), Barkhad Cas, Timacadde, Faarax Nuur iyo raggii la filka iyo fikirka ba ahaa. halgan siyaasadeedkii aqoonyahanka ayaa isna xiligaasi bilaabmay, waxaa abuurmay xisbiyadii gobonimo-doonkaa ahaa, SNL, USP iyo NUF, kuwaasi oo ka midho-dhaliyey halgankoogii gobonimo-doon.

26kii Juun ayuu ingiriisku siiyey Soomaaliland xornimadoodii. 1dii Julaay 1960kiina waxay la midoobeen Soomaaliya oo isla maalintaasi xoroowday, si loo rumeeyo riyadii soomaaliyeed ee soomaali weyn.

Falanqayn Sharci: Midowgii Soomaaliland iyo Soomaaliya.

Lixdankii dadkaygoow,

Markaad dawladnimadii,

Diiqada u bixiseen,

Degdegsiinyo mooyee,

Doqonnimo ma ahayn,

Manaydaan dambaabine,

Shanta kala dab-raacdaa,

Dermo qudha u gogosheen,

Isku-duubnideeniyo,

Daacad baw horseeddeen..

-          Ibraahim Sh. Saleebaan (Gadhle).

Golahii sharci-dajinta Soomaaliland oo ka koobnaa 33 mudane oo la soo doortay 28kii feberweri 1960kii, wuxuu ansaxiyey xeerkii midowga Soomaaliland iyo Soomaaliya 27kii Juun 1960kii (Law N0.1/1960). Sida sharciga ah, waxay ahayd inay sharci-dajintii Soomaaliyana saxeexdo laakiin taasi may dhicin oo fadhigoogii dhacay 30 juun 1960kii waxay ansaxiyeen xeer (Atto di unioni) ka duwan kii ay baarlamankii Soomaaliland ansaxiyeen. subaxnimadii 1dii Juulaay 1960kii baarlamaankii Soomaaliland iyo kii Soomaaliya waxay fadhi wadajir ah ku ansaxiyeen dastuur lagu soo diyaariyey Soomaaliya oo aanay Soomaliland waxba ku darsan. Iyadoo laga duulayo dastuurkaasi cusub, waxaa isla maalintaasi la doortay madaxweynahii ugu horeeyey ee Jamhuriyada Soomaaliyeed Aadan Candulle Cismaan. Isla maalintaasi ayuu madaxweynahu soo saaray digreeto madaxweyne oo uu ku dhawaaqay midowga labada qaran. Laakiin digreetadaasi lama odhan karo waxay noqotay sharci waayo siduu sheegayey qodobkii 63(3) ee dastuurku waxay ahayd in golaha baarlamanka la horkeeno si uu u ansaxiyo, taasina may dhicin.

18kii Jeeneweri 1961kii ayaa golahii baarlamanka ee Jamhuuriyaddii Soomaaliyeed la horkeeney xeerkii midowga labada qaran, golahiina wuu ansaxiyey, waxaana la faafiyey 31kii Jeeneweri 1961kii. Xeerkaasi waxaa lagu magacaabay xeerka midowga Soomaliland iyo Soomaliya, aad baanu ugu fogaa xeerkii ay baarlamanka Soomaaliland ansaxiyeen 27kii Juun 1960kii. Waayo wuxuu meesha ka saaray dhammaan qodobadii ilaalinayey shuruucdii lagaga dhaqmi jiray Soomaaliland midowga kahor, xuquuqdii Saraakiisha shaqaalaha Soomaaliland iyo dhismahii guddiga dib u eegista shuruuceedka. Xitaa wuxuu si cad u laalay xeerkii midowga ee ay baarlamankii Soomaaliland ansaxiyeen 27kii Juun 1960kii (Law N0.1/1960), marka laga reebo qodobkii 11(4) ee xeerkaasi oo sheegayey: “…Xuquuqaha iyo waajibaabyadii ka dhashay heshiisyadii ka dhaxeeyey dawladii Soomaaliland iyo booqortooyadii ingiriiska iyo waqooyiga Ayrlaand iyo heshiisyadii ka dhaxeeyey dawladii Soomaaliya iyo dawladii Talyaaniga iyo kuwii ay labada dawladood la lahaayeen dawladaha kale iyo ururrada caalamiga ahi waxay qaban (Binding) doonaan Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliyeed.”

Qodobkaasi sarre waxaynu ka fahmi karnaa oo uu daliil u yahay inay laba qaran midoobeen iyo weliba Soomaaliland iyadoo ah qaran madax-banaan inay heshiisyo la gashay dawladii ingiriiska. Mida kale ee muhiimka ahi waa inay midoobeen qaran la odhan jiray Soomaaliland iyo mid la odhan jiray Soomaaliya, kuwaasi oo abuuray qaran loo baxshay Jamhuuriyada Soomaaliyeed. Laakiin maaha Soomaaliya, taasi waxay ahayd gobolkii ama qarankii talyaaniga ka xoroobay. Qarankii ay Soomaliland kasoo go’day waa Jamhuuriyadii Soomaaliyeed maaha Soomaaliya.

Su’aasha muhiimka ahi waa midowgii Soomaliland iyo Soomaaliya ma wuxuu dhacay 1dii Julaay 1960kii markii labada baarlaman ay ansaxiyeen dastuurkii iyo madaxweynahii cusbaa ee Jamhuuriyaddii Soomaaliyeed mise 18kii Jeeneweri 1961kii, markay baarlamanku ansaxiyeen xeerkii midowga Soomaliland iyo Soomaaliya mise markii la qaaday aftidii dadweynaha ee dastuurka Julaay 1961kii?.

Dib Ula Soo Noqoshadii Qarannimada Soomaaliland.

Waxa maanta ii daran

Qaran haga dadweynaha;

Qaran damal sidiisii

Noo dallaalimeeyoo

Soo taabta darafyada;

Qaran aan dir-sooc jirin

Qaran aan ahayn dulin

Nabad-doonka beeshiyo

Raacatada dulsaar ku ah;

Qaran aan dirsada oo

Anigaysku kay dirin;

Qaran iigu soo dara

Aan iiga sii darin;

Qaran gudaha daafaca

Dibeddana aqoonsi leh.

Isku soo dabaal oo

Waxaan doonayaa qaran

Qaran dhaama kii dumay.

-          1dii Meey 1997kii. Maxamed Xaashi Dhamac (Gaarriye).

Muddo hal sano ah markii ay dawladdii Jamhuurayadii Soomaaliyeed ay jirtay. Xisbigii SNL wuxuu waqooyiga ka bilaabay olole uu ku doonayey in la qaadaco oo la diido dastuurkii la doonayey inay dadku u codeeyaan Julaay 1961kii. Taasi waxay keentay in dadkii reer waqooyiga ahaa 60% ay diidaan dastuurkii Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliyeed.

Bal aan soo qaato John Drysdale buug-yarahiisa Somaliland: The Anatomy of Secession wuxuu  ku yidhi: “Ururkii SNL oo ahaa xisbigii hormoodka ka ahaa waqooyiga wuxuu ka ololeeyey aqbalaada dastuurka, boqolaydii dadkii diiday datuurku waxay ahaayeen: Hargeysa (72%), Berbera (69%), Burco (66%), iyo Ceerigaabo (69%). Tirada guud ee dadka codeeyey Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliyeed waxay ahaayeen 1, 950,000 (Hal milyan, sagaal boqol iyo konton kun) oo qof. 100,000 (boqol kun) oo qudha ayaa waqooyiga ka diwaangashaana.”(Bogga 12aad) (Turjumida Qoraaga).

1961 ayey saraakiil reer waqooyi ahi isku dayeen inay inqilaab kula soo noqdaan xoriyaddii gobolada waqooyi, inqilaabkaasi oo uu hogaaminayey Xasan Kayd Cabdulle Walanwal. Wuxuu fashilmay inqilaabkii oo socda.

15kii Oktoober 1969kii, waxaa magaalada Laascaanood lagu toogtay madaxweynahii xiligaasi (labaad) ee Jamhuuriyaddii Soomaaliyeed Dr. Cabdirashiid Cali Sharmarke oo booqasho ku joogay maagaalada Laascaanood. Xisbigii SYL markuu lix cisho ku hawlanaa buuxinta jagadii madaxweynanimo ee banaanaatay laakiin aanay weli cidna u magacaabin jagadaasi ayuu ciidankii qalabka siday ee Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliyeed inqilaabay taladii dalka 21kii Oktoober 1969kii. Waxaa la badalay dastuurkii, waxaana xabsiga loo taxaabay xubnahii ugu muhiimsanaa xukumadii la inqilaabay.

Shacabkii soomaaliyeed sacab iyo damaashaad ayey ku soo dhaweeyeen arrintaasi, waayo dadku markii hore ba waxay saluugsanaayeen xukumadii hore. Ciidankii qalabka siday oo uu hogaaminayey Maxamed Siyaad Barre waxay u arkayeen halyeeyo u kacay dalka oo ka dhiidhiyey dilkii madaxweynaha.

Xukumadii uu Siyaad Barre madaxweynaha u ahaa waxay la saxiibtay hantiwadaagii Ruushka iyo Kuuba, hal-kudhegyo aan afka dhaafsiisnayn ayuu sameystay sida midnimo, wadanninimo, isku-duubni iyo wax kasta oo dadka lagu beer-laxawsan karayey. Inkastoo Maxamed Siyaad Barre uu saaxiib wanaagsan u noqday Ruushka, haddana waxay ku kala tageen dagaalkii uu Itoobiya ku qaaday 1977kii. Dagaalkaasi ciidankii qalabka siday ee Jamhuuriyaddii Dimuqraadiga Soomaaliyeed waxay galeen gudaha dalka Itoobiya, laakiin waxaa dib loo soo jebiyey markii uu Ruushku la soo saftay Itoobiya.

Guul-darradii dagaalkii Jamhuuriyadii Soomaaliyeed iyo Itoobiya ee 1977kii, shirqoolo loo maleegay siyaasiin faro-badan, eexo qabiil iyo boqortooyo qoys oo badheedh ah, dil, dhac, kufsi iyo bahdilaad lagula kacay dadkii reer waqooyigu waxay sababtay in lagu kaco oo halgan dagaal lagala horyimaado keli-taliskii axmaqa ahaa.

Dhamaadkii sannadkii 1979kii, waxaa jamhuuriyaddii Soomaaliyeed ka curatay maansadii xaraf-raaceedu ahaa xarafka deelka “D” ee loo baxshay Deelleeyda. Maansadaasi oo xaq u dirir ahayd waxaa ka qaybqaatay ilaa kontonmeeye abwaan, maansooyinkuna waxay ku dhawaayeen ilaa todobaatan maanso. Inkastoo abwaannada qaar ay difaac reeraysan ku jireen, haddana deelleeydu waxay noqotay warankii ugu xumaa uguna horeeyey ee uu keli-talisku la kulmo.

6dii Abriil 1981kii, waxaa magaalada Landhan lagaga dhawaaqay ururkii dhaqdhaqaaqa wadanniga Soomaaliyeed (SNM) si loola dagaalamo maamulkii dad-qaladka ahaa ee Siyaad Barre.

Halgan dagaal oo toban sanno socday kadib, SNM waxay ku guuleysatey inay dalka soo gasho Meey 1988kii. SNM waxay dalka qabsatay 1991kii; Berbera 29kii Jeeneweri, Hargeysa iyo Burco 31kii Jeeneweri, Boorama 4tii Jeeneweri, Ceerigaabona 5tii Jeeneweri. Waxaa maalmahaasi xabsiyada laga sii daayey dadkii u xidhnaa maamulkii Siyaad Barre, waxaa la taakuleeyey dadkii deegaanka aan u dhalan ee dalka loogu yimid iyadoo loo sheegay in cidii doonta ay iska joogi karto, cidii doontaana ay dhulkeegii tagto iyadoo welibana gadiidna la saarayey.

Markii keli-taliskii Siyaad Barre dalka laga xoreeyey, talaabadii ugu horeysay ee la qaaday waxay noqotay in shir nabaddeed la qabto. Waxaa Berbera lagu qabtay shirkii nabadaynta beelaha Soomaaliland ee dhacay 15kii-27kii Feeberweri 1991kii. Shirkaasi waxaa lagu saxeexay heshiis nabadeed oo ay beelahu u dhamaayeen. Waxaa laysla qaatay in shirweyne layskugu yimaado magaalada Burco Abriil 1991ka.

Shirweynahii walaalaynta beelaha Soomaaliland wuxuu magaalada Burco ka furmay 27kii Abriil 1991kii. Waxaana ka qaybgalay hormoodkii madax-dhaqameedka beelaha Soomaaliland dega. Shirkaasi oo socday ilaa 5tii Meey, waxaa laysku raacay todoba qodob oo uu ugu muhiimsanaa in gobolada waqooyi gooni isku taagaan oo ay Soomaaliya ka go’aan. Go’aannadii shirkani kasoo baxay waxaa lagu ansaxiyey kalfadhigii 2aad ee caadiga ahaa ee golahii dhexe SNM oo burco ka dhacay 18kii Meey 1991kii. Waxaana isla shirkaasi lagu caleemo-saaray Guddoomiyahii SNM Muj. Cabdiraxmaan Axmed Cali iyo ku-xigeenkiisii Xasan Ciise Jaamac oo noqday madaxweynahii iyo Madaxweyne ku-xigeenkii ugu horeeyey ee Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland. Madaxweynahiina wuxuu magaacaabay xukumadiisii oo koobnayd 18 wasiir iyo 4 wasiir ku-xigeen.

Shir kale oo dhacay magaalada Sheekh oo lagu heshiisiinayey laba beelood oo ay xurgufi dhexmartay ayaa dhacay Oktoober 1992kii. Shirkaasi waxaa laysla gartay in geediga qarannimada Soomaaliland lasii wado, waxaana laysku raacay in Boorama lagu shiro Jeeneweri 1993ka. Shirkii guurtida ee Boorama wuxuu bilaabmay 24kii Jeeneweri waxaanu socday ilaa 25kii Meey 1993kii. Shirkaasi oo ahaa kii ugu balaadhnaa waxay beelaha Soomaliland ku saxeexeen Axdi Qarameed 31 qodob ka koobnaa oo ay mudadiisu ay ahayd 2 sano, waxaa kaloo shirkaasi lagu sameeyey labada gole baarlaman oo koobnaa mid 75 mudane. Maadaamaa ay dhamaatay mudadii loogu talo-galay inay SNM dalka hogaamiso, waxaa madaxweynahii Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland loo doortay Maxamed X. Ibraahim Cigaal. 30 Meey 1993kii, ayuu xukumadiisii cusbayd ku dhawaaqay. Sidaasi ayuu ku meel-maray Geedigii la soo noqoshada qarannimada ee Soomaliland.

Gunnaanad:

“Inta Soomaaliya dhibaato ka jirto, Soomaalilandna dhaxanta lagu daayey, damiirka bulshadu caalamku waxa keliya ee ay noqon kartaa waa mid kharriban”

Maxamed X. Ibraahim Cigaal.

Madaxweynahii hore Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland.

Sharcinimada midowgii Soomaaliland iyo Soomaaliya mugdi ayaa ku jiray. Dadka reer Soomaalilandna afti dadweyne ayey ku cadeeyeen mawqifkoogii ay ku diideen dastuurkii Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliyeed 1961kii. Haddana codkii koonfurta ayaa ka batay oo laga tixgeliyey. Inqilaab ayey isku dayeen innay xornimadoodii kula soo noqdaan, nasiib-darro isna wuu ka fashilmay. Iyagoo dabinta ruugaya ayuu keli-taliskiina nabarkii cusbo marshay, oo cadaalad—darro iyo dulmi la yimid. Taasi ayaa keentay inay qarannimadooddii la soo noqdaan.

Maanta Soomaaliland waa dawlad dimuqraadi ah oo horumar ka samaysay dhinacyada dhaqaalaha, bulshada, aqoonta, iyo siyaasadda ba. Xidhiidh wanaagsana waxay la leedahay bulshada caalamka. Dastuur ay dadku 97% ugu codeeyeen ayaa lagaga dhaqmaa, doorashooyin xor iyo xalaal ah ayaa ka dhacay. Goleyaal deegaan oo la doortay ayuu dalku leeyahay, sidoo kale dadku waxay doorteen golaha baarlamanka (wakiilada), madaxweynaha iyo ku-xigeenkiisa. Soomaaliland waxay buuxisay dhamaan shuruudihii looga baahna dal la aqoonsanayo. Waxay qayrkeed dheer tahay xasilooni iyo dimuqraadiyad xor ah. Soomaaliland maadaamaa ay ku taalo mandaqad nabad-galiyadeedu liidato waxaa lagu tilmaami karaa Ubax ka dhex baxay saxare lama-degaan ah.

Cabdishakuur Cali Muxumed (Good Lawyer)
Gobolka Awdal, Borama.

Sheeko iyo Shaahid: Baratan Suugaaneed – 2012 Tartankii 5aad

Bandhig

Seeska Dhaqanka ee REDSEA-ONLINE (Redsea-Online Cultural Foundation) iyaga oo duulaya fikradda aasaaska u ah ee ah inay ka qayb-qaataan wax kasta oo horumarinaaya taabbagelinta dhigista, fidinta hiddaha iyo suugaanta, xoojinta fanka iyo farshaxanka; islamarkaana taageeraya dhaqanka qorista iyo akhriska iyo guud ahaan kobcinta qoraalka Af-Soomaaliga, waxa ay soo bandhigayaan Kulankii Shanaad ee Baratan Qarameedka Curinta Suugaanta "Sheeko iyo Shaahid".
Sheekooyinka ka soo qaybgalayaa ma aha isku jeeddo e mawduuca sheekadu ku socoto waxa u madax bannaan qoraaga. 

Waxa halkan ku lifaaqan xeerka Sheeko iyo Shaahid ee sannadkan 2012.

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Xeerka

Baratanka "Sheeko iyo Shaahid" waxaa qeexaya xeerkan.

1. Waxaa lagu tartamayaa sheeko Af Soomaali ku qoran oo aan hore loo daabicin. Ka qaybgalka tartanku waa lacag la'aan; waxana uu u furan yahay qof kasta oo da'diisu ka yar tahay 40 jir.
2. Tartanku waxa uu u furan yahay Sheeko (dhacdo dhab ah amase male-awaal). Nuxurka sheekada qoraaga ayaa u xor ah. Waana sheeko aan hore loo daabicin (buug ahaan, degellada internetka, iyo wargays toona).
3. Qofkastaa waxa uu ku tartami karaa hal sheeko oo kaliya.
4. Waxa lagu tartamayaa Sheeko Gaaban. Qoraalka yaraantiisu lama laha xidhiidh ka qaybgalka Sheeko iyo Shaahid, mana siinayo, ama wax ka dhimi maayo, marka loo eego dhibcaha tartanka. Waxa la eegi doonaa oo kaliya nuxurka sheekada iyo qaabka dhigaalka. Qeexidda la siiyey Sheeko gaabani waa in aan qoraalku ka badnaan 36000 xaraf oo u dhiganta 20 bog (boggii waxaa loo xisaabinayaa inuu yahay 30 sadar oo min 60 xaraf ah, qiyaastii 1800 oo xaraf).
5. Qoraalka waxaa lasoo raacinayaa waraaq gaar ah oo ay ku cadyihiin:
   • a. magaca qoraaga (ama qorayaasha),
   • b. cinwaanka lagala soo xidhiidhayo (oo ay ku jiraan ugu yaraan nambarka aleenka gacanta (mobile) ama email midkood),
   • c. taariikhda iyo meesha dhalashada
   • d. magaca sheekada uu ku tartamaayo. Waxaa kale oo waraaqdaa lagu soo qorayaa caddayn uu qoraagu saxeexay oo uu ku caddaynayo inuu u yahay qoraaga rasmiga ah ee sheekada, akhriyey, aqbalayna dhammaan farqadaha xeerkan.
6. Habka iyo goorta qoraalka lagusoo gudbinayo:
   • i. Qoraalka waxaa lagu soo gudbinayaa gacanta isaga oo daabacan oo aanay dusha kaga qornayn magaca qoraaga iyo astaan kale toona; waxaa bogga kowaad lagu qorayaa Cinwaanka Sheekada. Waxaa la soo raacinayaa gal xidhan oo ay ku qoran tahay warbixinta ku cad farqadda 5aad. Waxaa la keenayaa cinwaankan: Fidiyaha Aqoonta iyo Eereyga Dhigan ee REDSEA-ONLINE.COM, Daarta Oriental Hotel, Hargeysa inta ka horreysa 8.00 habeennimo ee 15/06/2012.
   • ii. Qoraalka waxaa iyana lagu soo gudbinayaa isagoo elegtaroonig ah (pen drive, floppy disk amase e-mail). Waa inuu qoraalku ku qoran yahay qorme caadi ah (text file editor, tex, MS Word, iwm). Waxaa bogga kowaad lagu qorayaa Cinwaanka Sheekada. Waxaa lasoo raacinayaa email gaar ah oo gudihiisa ay ku qoran yihiin dhammaan xogta ku cad farqadda 5aad. Waxaa e-mailka loo soo dirayaa inta ka horraysa 12.00 habeenimo ee 15/06/2012 emailka sheeko@redsea-online.com, loona dirayaa nuqul kale info@hargeysabookfair.com. Qofku waa inuu hubiyaa in e-mail kiisa la helay. Haddii aanu jawaabtaas ku helin muddo saddex cisho ah, waa inuu gacanta ka keenaa sida ku cad farqaddan sare. Haddii aanay suuro gal ahayn inuu gacanta ka keeno waa inuu ka eegaa cinwaanka internetka www.hargeysabookfair.com halka lagala soo xidhiidhayo tartanka oo teleefon u soo diraa.
   • iii. Qoraalladu waa inay soo gaadhaan Cinwaannada Xoghaynta (sida ku cad labadan farqadood ee qodobkan 6) inta ka horraysa 12.00 habeennimo ee maalinta Jimcaha 15-ka bisha lixaad 2012 (xilliga Somaliland). Wax allaale wixii soo gaadha xilligaa dabadeed, kama qayb galayaan tartanka.
7. Qofkasta oo la aqbalo codsigiisa ka qayb galka tartanka waxaa la ogaysiin doonaa inta ka horraysa 18/06/2012 in uu yahay tartame; lanana socodsiin doonaa halka uu kala xidhiidhayo faahfaahin dheeraad ah.
8. Guddiga Qiimaynta
   • a. Guddi ka kooban ugu yaraan 3 qof (iyo ugu badnaan 5) ayaa loo saari doona qiimaynta Sheekooyinka; Guddigaasi waxay soo qiimayndoontaa darajada Sheeko kastaa hesho iyo ku guulaystayaasha kaalmaha 1aad, 2aad, 3aad iyagoo aan ogayn cidda qortay sheekada.
   • b. Darajadaasi waxay ku salaysnaan doontaa: bilicda suugaanta; heerka afka soomaaliga qoran cilmi ahaan; xikmadda ka danbaysa sheekada; iyo tiraab wanaagga qoraaga.
   • c. Tartame kasta oo toos ula xidhiidha guddiga qiimaynta inta aan lagu dhawaaqin go’aanka, waxay keeni kartaa lumis xuquuqda tartame.
   • d. Ehelka tooska ah ee xubin ka mid ah Guddiga Qiimayntu ma tartami karaan, haddii aanu xubinta Guddiga Qiimayntu ka tanaasulin xubinnamadiisa marka uu ogaado in qof ehelkiisa ahi soo tartamay.
9. Go'aanka Baratanka: Guulayastayaasha tartanku waxay kala heli doonaan:
   • a. Kaalinta-kowaad: Astaan (billadda kowaad) oo qoraaga magaciisu ku xardhan yahay iyo abaal-gud lacageed oo ah 100USD oo kaash ah iyo hadiyad u dhiganta 100USD oo ah rasiidh uu buugaag kaga qaadan karo mid ka mid ah maktabadaha dalka ku yaal ee arrinka taageeri doona.
   • b. Kaalinta-labaad: Astaan (billadda labaad) oo qoraaga magaciisu ku xardhan yahay iyo abaal-gud lacageed oo ah 50USD oo kaash ah iyo hadiyad u dhiganta 50USD oo ah rasiidh uu buugaag kaga qaadan karo mid ka mid ah maktabadaha dalka ku yaal ee arrinka taageeri doona.
   • c. Kaalinta-saddexaad: Astaan (billadda saddexaad) oo qoraaga magaciisu ku xardhan yahay iyo abaal-gud lacageed oo ah 25USD oo kaash ah iyo hadiyad u dhiganta 25USD oo ah rasiidh uu buugaag kaga qaadan karo mid ka mid ah maktabadaha dalka ku yaal ee arrinka taageeri doona.
10. Go'aanka Guddigu waa kamadanbays aan laga ashkatoon karin. Guddiga, oo ka koobnaan doonta xeeldheerayaal suugaanta iyo afsoomaaliga, waxaa si gaar ah loogu magacaabayaa qoraal kale oo kan ku xiga. Waxa lagu martiqaadayaa baratamayaashu in aanay haba yaraatee la xidhiidhin guddiga qiimaynta, xitaa si kamma ah u ogaysiinin mid ka mid ah Guddiga sheekadooda wax lagu garan karo. Eeg qodobka 8c.
11. Bandhigga Go'aanka
    • a. Ku dhawaaqista go'aanka tartanka waxaa lagu beegayaa Bandhigga Caalamiga ah ee Buugaagta Hargeysa oo sannadkan.
    • b. Guulaystayaasha kaalmaha 1-3aad waxaa si gaar ah loogu martiqaadayaa Xafladda Bandhiga Go'aanka baratanka.
    • c. Waxaa xafladda lagusoo martiqaadayaa warbaahiyayaasha waddaniga iyo kuwa kaleba.
12. Xuquuqda Qoraalka (Copyright) ee sheekooyinka
    • a. Xuquuqda Abuurka Qoraalka (intellectual property copyright) waxay mar kasta u dhawran tahay Qoraaga Sheekada.
    • b. Sheekooyinka tartanka ka qaybgala oo dhan maamulka tartanku wuxuu kusii faafin karaa, kuna daabici karaa buug ahaan ama ku soo saari karaa wargaysyada, degellada internetka, joornaallada iyo si kasta oo uu maamulku markaas u arko wanaag, isaga oo markasta xusaaya lahaanshaha sheekada ee qoraaga hal abuuray iyo inay ka qaybgashay tartankan.
13. Ka qaybgalka tartankani wuxuu kufarayaa oggolaanshaha farqad kasta oo xeerkan ka mid ah. Faahfaahin dheeraad ah ka eeg: http://www.hargeysabookfair.com amase http://www.redsea-online.com ama http://www.kayd.org amase u qora email info@hargeysabookfair.com.

RSOL/K – 001/12 International 01/05/2012

KOOTADA HAWEENKA (GENDER QUOTO): NOOCYADEEDA IYO NUSQAANTEEDA SHARCI

1. 
   
2. Hordhac

 Sannadkii 2007-dii ayey ururrada haweenka Somaliland codsadeen in haweenka kooto (saami) laga siiyo kuraasida Goleyaasha Qaranka Wakiilada iyo Deegaannada, iyadoo sababta lagu sheegay in aanay la tartami karin ragga. Inkastoo urrurada bulshada rayidka ah iyo axsaabta siyaasadu ba ay aad uu taageereen mashruuc-sharcigaas kootada loogu raadinayey haweenka oo uu Golaha Wakiilladu ansaxiyey, waxa diiday Golaha Guurtida Somaliland.

Waxaa la yaab noqotay, in xeerkii kootada ee uu Golaha Guurtidu hore u diidday, saddex sanno kadib markii Madaxweyne Siilaanyo la doortay aad looga shaqeeyey oo ajandahii Golaha Wakiillada lagu daray. Sidii 2007dii oo kale ayuu mashruuc-sharcigan dambe ee Kootadu na u socon waayey. Mar kale ayaa haddana markii Madaxweyne Muuse Biixi la doortay dib Golayaasha loo horkeenay mashuuc-sharcigan  Kootada haweenka iyo beelaha laga tirada badan yahay. 

Hadda ba, waxaan idinla wadaagayaa qoraal aan 10 sanno kahor sannadkii 2010ka aan qoray oo cinwaankiisu ahaa "Kootada Haweenku waa Sillan-sugan", kaas oo aan ku muujiyey arragtidayda shakhsiyeed ee ku wajahnayd kootada Kuraasida Doorashada iyo sida ay anniga iila muuqatay. Maxaa kooto la yidhaahdaa? Caalamka miyaa lagu kala duwan yahay isticmaalka kootada? Saameyn intee leeg ayey yeelan kartaa? Imisa hab ayaa kootada loo sameeyaa? Iyo sharciga miyey waafaqaysan tahay mise ma waafaqsana?.

 

2. Kootada Haweenka iyo Caalamka.

Kootada siyaasaddeed marka si guud loo qeexo waa saamiga loo xidho dadka aan tartami karin doorashooyinka xorta ah, waxay noqon kartaa tiro kuraasi ah ama liiska murashaxiinta oo laga siiyo qayb gaar ah. Kootada haweenka (Gender Quota) oo ah tan ugu caansan kootooyinka, waxaa isticmaala ku dhowaad kala badh dalalka caalamka oo dhan. Waxaa ugu horeeyey oo bilaabay wadamada iskaandaneefiyaanka (Scandinavians) sida Finland, Norway, Sweden, Denmark iyo Iceland. Sannadkaas 2010, dumarku waxay ku fadhiyeen 19% xubnaha baarlamaanada caalamka oo dhan. Rwanda ayaa sannadkii 2008dii noqotay wadanka ay haweenka ugu badani xubnaha ka yihiin baarlamaankiisa – 56.3% ayaa haween ahaa. Sweden oo hore kaalinta kowaad ugu jirtay waxay sannadkaas ku jirtay kaalinta labaad, iyadna 47.3% ayaa haween ah baarlamaankeeda.

 

Kootada la siiyo haweenku way kala duwan tahay, marka laga eego habka kootada loo sameeyo. Caalamka saddex hab ayaa kootada haweenka loo sameeyaa; 

1. Habka kowaad, waa in dumarka la siiyo tiro kuraasi ah (Reserved seats) ka mida kuraasida goleyaasha baarlamaanka iyo deegaannada. Dalalka habkan isticmaalaa, waxay dastuurkooga ama xeerarkooga doorashooyinka ku sharciyeeyaan qodobo dumarka kooto ka siinaya kuraasida goleyaasha qaran. Tusaale ahaan, Rwanda, dastuurkeeda iyo xeerka doorashadu ba waxay dhigayaan in haweenku ay ugu yaraan 30% ka noqdaan xubnaha golaha baarlamaanka. Laakiin doorashadii 2008dii, kor ayey u dhafeen oo waxay noqdeen 56.3%.

 

2. Habka labaad ee kootada haweenka loo sameeyaa waa in dumarka kooto laga siiyo liiska murashaxiinta ee doorashooyinka goleyaasha qaranka. Bolivia ayaa ka mid ah wadamada habkan isticmaala. Bolivia waxay samaysatey xeerka kootada haweenka 2001dii, xeerkani wuxuu dhigayaa in 30% murashaxiinta goleyaasha deegaannadu ay noqdaan haween iyo in afartii ama saddexdii nin ba ay gabadhi weheliso liiska murashaxiinta goleyaasha baarlamanka. Taasi waxay suurto-galisay in 17%  ay haween noqdaan baarlamaanka Bolivia .

 

3. Habka saddexaad ee kootada haweenku waa in xisbiyadda qaranku ay si mutadawacnimo ah haweenka u siiyaan kooto musharaxnimo (Voluntary Political Party Quotas).  Habkani wuxuu kaga duwan yahay labada hab ee kale, in aanu xeer ku dhisnayn, Laakiin ay axsaabta qaranku iskood ugu gartaan haweenka in kooto cayiman ay ka siiyaan murashaxiinta u tartamaysa. Labada hab ee hore se waa sharci ay waajib tahay in la fuliyaa. Aqoonyahanka qaarkood ayaa aaminsan yihiin in habkan 3aad uu yahay habka ugu dhow ee ilaalinaya sinaanshaha iyo dimuqraadiyadda isla markaana haweenka lagu dhiirigelinayo. Wadamada isticmaala waxaa ka mida Germany, Norway iyo Sweden .

 

3. Kootada Haweenka iyo Sharciga Somaliland .

Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Soonaaliland, qodobkiisa 8aad, farqadiisa 1aad waxay dhigaysaa "In muwaadiniintu (rag iyo dumarba) ay sharciga hortiisa ku leeyihiin xuquuq iyo waajibaad isku mid ah, iyadoon loo eegayn midab, qabiil, sinji, dhalasho IWM.  

Dhinaca xuquuqda siyaasaddeed, dastuurka qodobkiisa 22(1) ayaa odhanaya “Muwaadin kastaa wuxuu xaq u leeyahay inuu ka qaybqaato arrimaha siyaasadda, dhaqaalaha, bushada iyo dhaqanka ba si waaafaqsan shuruucda dalka. 

Dastuurka Soomaaliland, haweenka wuxuu siiyey xuquuq la mid ah ta ragga marka laga yimaado xuquuqaha ay shareecadu u gaar yeeshay midkood (Qod.36aad ee Dastuurka). Xuquuqda haweenka waxaa ka mid ah xaqa in la dooran karo, waxna ay dooran karaan. In haweenka doorashada u tartamaa ay tiro yar yihiin, haweenka tartamay ee la doortayna kaba sii yar yihiin, waa mid ka dhalatay duruufo dhaqan-dhaqaale oo aan la xidhiidhin sharciga. Xalku maaha tartanka doorasho in haweenka gaar looga saaro ragga oo  kuraasi u khaas ah haweenka kooto loogu xidho. Xalku taageerid, dhiirigelin iyo wacyiga bulshada oo kor loo qaado si caqabadaha dhaqan-dhaqaale ee haweenka ku kooban meesha looga saaro. 

Bal u fiirso Qodobka 36(1) ee dastuurka “Xuquuqaha uu dastuurku siiyey muwaadiniinta, si isku mid ah ayey u wadaagayaan ragga iyo haweenku, marka laga yimaado wixii ay shareecadu ka reebtay (haweenka)”.  Ma daliil intaa ka badan ayeynu u baahanaynaa? Maya, ayaan qabaa.

 

Annigu sidaan qabo waxa loo baahan yahay in haweenka loo saacido dhaqaale ahaan iyo taageero ahaan ba sidii ay muwaadiniinta ragga ah ay iyagoo siman ugu tartami lahaayeen codadka doorashooyinka laakiin sharci-darro ayaan u arkaa in laga dhigo mid xeer uu waajibinayo oo kuraas aan lagula tartamin gaar loogu xidhayo; waxaanan u arkaa in ay qayrul-dastuuri tahay. Sababahan ayaan ku diiday in kootada haweenka laga dhigo mid xeer ku dhisan:

 

1. Kootada haweenku waxay ka hor imanaysaa  mabda'a sinaanshaha muwaadiniinta ee dastuuriga ah; kaas oo ah in muwaadiniintu ay u siman yihiin xuquuqda  iyo waajibaadka muwaadinimo ee uu dastuurku jideeyey.
2. Kootada haweenka waxay bar-bilow u noqon doontaa kootooyin kale sida kootooyin la siiyo naafadda, dhallinyarada,  iyo dadka laga tirada badan yahay.
3. Kootadu waxay ka soo horjeeddaa nidaamka xorta ah ee dimuqraadiyadda waayo cidda wax go’aaminaysaa maaha dadka, in tiro kuraasta Goleyaasha Qaranka ah kooto loogu xidho qayb gaar ah oo bulshada kamid ah waxay xadgudub ku tahay xaqii ay muwaadiniinta oo ay haweenka laftoodu ugu badan yihiin, ay u lahaayeen in ay Xildhibaan kasta iyagoo xor ah oo rabitaankooda oo keli ah ka duulaya doortaan iyaga oo aan ku qasbaneyn jinsi ama qolo gaar ah oo keli ah in kuraasta qaarkood ay u doortaan.
4. Kootadu waxay ku saleysan tahay in qofka lagu doorto jinsigiisa ee aan lagu dooran aqoontiisa, waayo-aragnimadiisa iyo kartidiisa. Sida aanay macno u lahayn dhererka- dheer ama gaaban iyo culayska - buurnida ama buurnida - qofka la dooranayaa, ayaanay macno u lahayn lab iyo dhedig midka uu yahay.
5. Haweenku marna ba kuma dhiiran doonaan tartanka xorta ah ee muwaadiniinta haddii kooto la siiyo.
6. Kootadu haybsooca iyo takoorka oo uu dastuurku reebay ayey jideynaysaa oo ay dhiirigelinaysaa in la aqbalo laguna dhaqmo. 
7. Kootadu dhismahii bulshada ayey saameynaysaa oo xitaa lammaanahii bini-aadamka - lab iyo dhedig- ee ilaahay isku ilaashay ee Aabo iyo hooyo, wiil iyo walaashiis, Abti iyo habaryar, Adeer iyo eeddo ahaa ayey ka dhigaysaa dad aan qaranka iyo siyaasadda midna midka kale meteli karin oo intii isku jinsi ah ba ay isku dan tahay.

 

Annigu waxaan soo jeedinayaa haddii ba laga fursan waayo kooto, in la isticmaalo habka saddexaad ee kootada haweenka oo xisbiyada qaranku ay si mutadawacnimo ah haweenka u siiyaan kooto murashaxnimo (Voluntary Political Party Quotas). Xisbi kastaa wuxuu si gaar ah xil iskaga saari karaa  in uu kordhiyo tirada haweenka murashaxiinta ah ee uu doorashooyinka u sharaxayo, ama saddexda xisbi ayaa ba heshiis keli ah ka gaadhi kara in tirada murashaxiinta haweenka ah ay kordhiyaan.

 

4. Gunnaanad.

Waxa wanaagsan haweenka in aan la liidin oo aan kalsoonida laga dilin. Doorashadii wakiilada ee 2005tii haddii ay Ikraan cod ku soo baxday oo ay rag badan ka cod badatay, Doorashadii deegaankana ay ilaa 6 haween ah cod ku soo baxeen, doorashooyinka soo socdana dhawr iyo toban haweenkeena ah ayaa ku soo baxi kara oo ragga inta ay la tartamaan ka guuleysan kara. Waan hubaa oo waan ku kalsoonahay kartida haweenkeena iyo wacyiga bulshadeena ee koraya in haddii keliya ay kordhaan murashaxiinta haweenka ah, sidoo kale ay kordhayso haweenka tartanka doorashada ku guuleysanayaa. 

 

Qalinkii: Garyaqaan: Cabdishakuur Cali Muxumed (Good-Lawyer).

Dhiirrane: The Veteran Who Lost His Mind!!

Authored By: Abdishakur Ali Mohumed (Good Lawyer) and Translated into English by: Rhoda Rageh.

It is midday and the sun is very hot. It is summer and most of the people have gone home to rest.  Sweaty and under severe wear and tear, he came to climb the incline toward Xero Awr and Jigjiga yar provinces in the city of Hargeisa. Sweat is pouring profusely from all over his body.  He can’t speak because he is parched with thirst. His hair is overgrown down his back in thread locks. He is a thin man who is suffering from malnutrition and hard times have both beaten him. He is wearing rag that is severely worn out. He is wearing some rags that neither keeps him clothed nor qualify him as naked. His T-shirt is worn both at the back and at the front. In his lower body, he is wearing an army fatigue that has the right leg missing. He is walking at a fierce speed while talking to himself thus: “God is great. Siad Barre is in the other world and we have freed the country. We have protected the Faith, and we have prospered the people.”   He smiled to himself and said: “But these people give no gratitude – Siad Barre was better for them. Everybody is looking for his pocket and the richer one is the better he is.”

Dhiirrane was the youth who came of age at the time of the height of the liberation movement.  At the age of ten years, he witnessed the independence of Somaliland from the British Protectorate on 26^th June 1960. He was among the youth singing for the celebrations. Although he was young at the time, he was imbued with the love of freedom and nationalism. His father Gulane was among the Somalilanders who have spent their energy and wealth for that independence. Guulane was a selfless freedom fighter.

Dhiirrane grew up with the governments of Somalia. When he finished his secondary school he joined the army and he participated in the Ethiopian Somali territorial war in 1977, where he has sustained some injuries but he returned from the war with all his limbs and faculties intact. He married and got 4 kids from his marriage. Dhirrane was a selfless nationalist. His intense nationalism was attributed to two reasons: a) he grew up at a time of intense liberation movement and fierce nationalism and b) he is from a family of freedom fighters who have supported the independence of Somaliland like his father Guulane.

Dhiirrane saw a country besieged by tribal affiliation and he disappointed general goods for the country subsumed by favoritism and personal issues. The highest government officials mismanaging what was entrusted in them; the poor getting poorer. The women being raped with the country’s heroes killed. Honest people arrested and the men of Faith being slaughtered and kicked around. Children left destitute and the whole country is controlled by tribal groups and those who want to build some kind of monarchy. Where Dhiirrane saw all these atrocities he could not bear it any more. Therefore, he decided to cross the border leaving nothing save Allah for his family and children. After nine months, his family followed him except his youngest daughter who has already succumbed to malaria. Dhiirrane was among the freedom fighters of SNM.  He was one of those freedom fighters who faced the challenge of gorilla in order to save their people from the chains of a blood sucking dictator who ruled Somalia with an iron fist.  He is one of the men who faced the strongest army in Africa without an equal power to fight them. They were few selfless men. They were men whose motive was to liberate or die. They endured difficulty with courage.

Dhiirrane was among the group of fighters who entered the town of Hargeisa in 1990 with a mixture of apprehension and happiness.  He laughed at the destruction to the army of Siad Barre.  He was shocked the destruction that has happened to his home town without a single structure standing, may it be schools, hospitals, offices or private homes. What gave him a lot of grieve on that day many of his freedom fighters friends were there to witness it.  They died. They were the men he fought together with, walked on the long way to freedom together, eaten together. He remembered the conversation he had with some of those men about the happy day they will face but time did not allow them to be here today… His Colleagues …. Friends….Relatives… Brothers… Uncles…or Cousins… His mind recollected many men in a short period of time. He bit his lip in sadness and said to himself: “Freedom! We have given you the life and blood of people.  The best among us died for you.  Oh Allah Have Mercy on all of them.  Amen.”

Dhiirrane continued his national service. He took some chalk and he became one of the first teachers who taught kids for free. Later he joined the first Somaliland Army where he served for many years. For many years he hoped the disabled war veterans and the orphans of the SNM will be taken care of but he was disappointed. What adds to his grieve was the cost of living getting higher and higher. He is a soldier and he does not earn a big salary and he does not have any other assets. When his children are unable to pay the meager school fees, they are chased away from school. Yet he was happy to serve his country as a low paying soldier.

One day he brought his children back to school after they were expelled for not paying the school fees. He spoke with the principle and informed him about the situation in his life. The principle told him the teachers have the same kind of circumstances. Trying to convince him of his particular situation Dhiirrane said: “I understand that teachers are in the same circumstances. I was one of those teachers who started from scratch on voluntary basis. We are just returning from war and we still stand guard to preserve its dignity. You know that a soldier earns very little. I promise I will pay the fees as soon as I can but let the children stay in school.” The principle empathizing with the soldier said. “I will allow them in but you have to bring the money within seven days.”

Dhiirrane left confused. He walked down the street alongside the presidential residence. When he was at the hospital location, he saw a woman he knows. She is the wife of veteran Colhaye.  They greeted each other. He immediately recognized something is not right. She informed him that her first born son is sick with kidney disease. She also informed him that he needs surgery otherwise he will die.  The surgery needs money. Dhiirrane who is serious nationalist said: “isn’t the hospital a government hospital?” The woman without hiding anything said: “It is a government hospital and it is free but the money goes to the doctor who is doing the operation.”  Dhiirrane did not understand. “Doesn’t the doctor work for the government?” he asked.

Dhiirrane and some other folks went to visit the doctor who was to perform the surgery to discuss the fees. Dhiirrane started the conversation and said: “Doctor, my name is veteran Dhiirrane. I am a soldier of the national army. I am a friend of this young boy’s father and veterans of the SNM.  We sacrificed our lives for this country. This young boy’s father died in the confrontation of the western mountains in 1984.  If his father was alive today, it won’t be a problem. We would have paid the money if we could afford but we are in difficult circumstances, and we can’t afford to pay.  Today is the day this family could felt proud for the sacrifice their father made.  It is the day to show gratitude to my friend who perished for the sake of this country.  It is the day that this widow who lost her husband in the war would be given the reassurance that her husband did not die in vain. It is the day the orphans would not be reminded they are orphans uncared for.  I beg you help us with your skill only.”

After he listened to the words of Dhiirrane, the doctor said:  “you are right, the veterans sacrificed their lives for the freedom of this country, but here in this hospital people are equal. I am not treating this young man as the son of a veteran but like every other patient in the hospital. Whether you have it or not, fees is a must. Otherwise the hospital cannot sustain itself.” Dhiirrane tried to convince the doctor but the doctor gestured to him and said. “Let’s us not waste each other’s time. Bring the money and the surgery will take place.” Dhiirrane lost in thoughts and blood boiling got up and said: “This is not right! Be kind to people!  The life of the person is more important than any money!”  The doctor angered about the words of Dhiirrane said:  “We know that and you are telling us about it.  We have to treat people equally.  It is not right to charge some and not charge others.” An elder person tried to intervene and said: “OK doctor let’s find a way to pay. Can you start the surgery in the meantime? We will bring the money but we don’t want the boy to suffer anymore.” It was not the right move! – The doctor clearly upset said:  “I am telling you the truth.  No surgery will take place until you bring the money.  Your son will lie here and nothing will be done for him.”  Then he stormed out of the door. 

Dhiirrane and his group were surprised. They separated to solicit money from different direction. Some rushed to the rich people in the clan.  Dhiirrane and his group went to search for help from the SNM veterans. After few hours they returned with the money of the surgery. But alas! The first child of veteran Colhaye died after his dad. When Dhiirrane heard that bad news, his mind went back to the day his friend and colleague was killed.

There were in a battle for a fortnight when they were attacked from behind and they ran in different directions. Dhiirrane and Colhaye and two other colleagues ran in the same direction where there were many enemies. It was late afternoon. The sun was going down. The enemy chased them for a few miles and they decided to protect themselves and fight back. They started fighting. After many hours, one veteran died. Colhaye had a hip injury in his right leg and the left shoulder. Only two of them are safe. They tried to take their injured friend. However, Colhaye who has realized today is his last day suggested they should leave him here to save their lives. They refused but he finally convinced them and asked them to wrap the wounds before they go so that he could fight for few more hours before he dies. After they wrapped the wounds, Colhaye started reading his will to them:  “I lost my life for this country. I pray you bring success in your war with the government. If you live up to the day of freeing the country, tell my wife and children that I did not die running away. I died facing the enemy not the other way. Tell them I perished not afraid of death. Tell my children that their father died for their country and they will never be orphans in their country.” With are courageous message, Colhaye’s colleagues left him and they ran for their lives.  After few days it was confirmed that veteran Colhaye fought a fierce fight before he was killed.

Dhiirrane recollected everything. He went home feverish and angry. Without talking to anyone, he went into the toilet. His wife who has heard about the death thought her husband did not know about it and tried to tell him. Half an hour after he went to the toilet, he came out of the toilet all his clothes torn and his face full of soap suds. The wife watched him with surprise. “What has happened to him” she wondered and tried to calm him down. The only thing she heard from him was: “We freed this country! Siad Barre is in the other world.” These people have no gratitude.”  He splashed himself with sand.  The wife started screaming and ran to the neighbors. The people came out to see what happened. The elders in the clan who were wondering why Dhiirrane missed the burial of veteran Colhaye’s son came to take him to the family but when they arrived at the house they saw the house full of spectators. They saw Dhiirane torn all his clothes, splashed himself with sand, and covered his face with soap suds. They were shocked! He has lost his mind.

From that day on, veteran Dhiirrane lived in another world.  He became an alien.  Those he knew before call him the veteran who lost his mind.  This is how Dhiirane became the crazy veteran.

Marin-Habowga Maskaxeed Ee Dhallinyarrada!!!

 Waxaa Qoray Garyaqaan Cabdishakuur Cali Muxumed (Good Lawyer)

Ummad wali ba waxay ku faantaa aqoonta iyo kartida ay leedahay dhalinyarteedu (Human Resource), mustaqbalka bulsho ama waddan kasta na waxaa laga saadaaliyaa firfircoonida iyo hal-abuurnimada (Creativity) jiilka xiligaasi u soo kacaya bulshadaasi. Waddamada adduunyaduna waxay u kala ayaan badan yihiin oo ay u kala yididiilo roon yihiin sida ay u kala dhalinyarro badan yihiin, waa se marka dhalinyarradaasi la jiheeyo ee lagu barbaariyo manhaj loogu tallo-galey in uu soo saaro hoggaamiyayaasha mustaqbal ee bulsho ama waddan. Sidoo kale waa in dhalinyartu ay heshaa hoggaamiyayaal ama lagu hirteyaal ay ku dayan karaan ama ay ka dhigan karaan yool ay ku taamaan in ay mar uun sida hoggaamiye hebel oo kale dalkooga, dadkooga iyo diintooda ba horumar gaadhsiin karaan, naftooda u huri karaan ama taariikhda dalkaasi ka mid noqon karaan.

 

Inkastoo la odhan karo waddan kasta oo haysta dhalinyarro tiro badani wuu ka mustaqbal fiican yahay waddamada aan haysan xoog dhalinyarro, haddana waxaa laysku raacsan yahay in haddii aan dhalinyarradaasi loo diyaarin deggaan u saamaxaya inay doorkooga ka geystaan horumarka bulsho, dhaqaale ama siyaasaddeed ee dalkooga iyadoo laga dhisay dhinaca aqoonta siyaasaddeed, dhaqaaleed, bulsheed iyo diineed, ay iyaga laftirkoogu caqabad ku noqon karaan nolol wanaaga waddankaasi ama bulshadaasi. Waxaa na lagu sababeyn karaa laba arrimood; waa marka kowaade, haddii aan dhalinyarrada wadan ama bulsho lagu barbaarin manhaj u suurto galinaya in ay masuuliyad qaran qaadi karaan ama aanay badankoogu ka dhisnayn dhinaca aqoonta bulsho, dhalinyarradaasi waxay hagardaameyn karaan nidaamka nabadgaliyo ama nololeed ee dalkaasi, waayo aqoon ahaan ma awoodi karaan in ay masuuliyad qaran qaadaan. Waa sababta labaade, haddii dhallinyarradu ay aqoon leedahay laakiin la marin-habaabiyey oo cid danno gaar ah lahi ay si gaar ah wax uga dhaadhiciso ama bulshadaasi ay ku dhaqanto dhaqan dadka kala fogeeya sida qabyaalad ama hoggaan xumo ka jirta waddankaasi, dhalinyarradu iyagoo u haysta in ay dalkooga wax u tarayaan ayey wax badan si khaldan u fuliyaan taasi oo abuurta is-faham waa’ bulsheed iyo maamul xumo baahsan.

 

Dalkeenu, inkastoo uu kamid yahay waddamada ugu dadka yar adduunyada, haddana muwaadiniinteena ayaa u badan dhalinyarro oo waxaa ba lagu qiyaasaa in dadkeena 70% ay dhalinyarro yihiin. Waxaa se nasiib-darro ah, in markaad u fiirsato manhajkeena aad is odhanayso malaha waxaa loogu talo-galey caruur aasiyaan ama yurubiyaan ah waayo taariikhda, juqraafiga iyo cilmiga bulshada ee dalkeenu ba way ku yar yihiin manhajkeena. Taasi waxay keentay in haddaad ardeydeena weydiiso kumaa ahaa Yusuf X. Aadan ama Cabdillahi Suldaan? Ay suurtoobi karto in ay garan waayaan laakiin ay si fudud u gartaan George Washington ama Queen Victoria. Iyadoo manhaj doorsoon kaasi uu jiro oo aanay dhalinyarradeenu hiigsan karin hankii hoggaamiyeyaasheenii ama halgamayaashii hore ee taariikhdu xustay, ama se aanay la kulmin ba intii ay noolaayeen dawlad wanaagsan oo uu hoggaaminayo hoggaamiye wanaagsani, halka ay u soo taagnaayeen dagaalo sokeeye, musuq-maasuq iyo maamul xumo baahsan oo aan qofna qofka kale kala xishoonayn ayaa waxaa jirta in aan weli cidna is weydiinin sidii loo soo saari lahaa jiil mustaqbalka hoggaamiya dalka.

 

Maamul xumada iyo manhajkaasi liita marka laga yimaado, waxaa ka sii daran marin-habowga maskaxeed ee lagu abuurayo dhalinyarrada. Halkii laga hagaajin lahaa manhajkeena waxbarasho ama dhalinyarrada lagu dhiirigalin lahaa in ay aqoontooda dhisaan oo machadyo cilmi-baadhiseed loo samayn lahaa ayaa dawladeena iyo hay’adaha madaxa-banaani ba ay dhalinyarradii ku mashquuliyeen mashruucyo aan wax badan soo kordhinayn sida ka hortaga fircooniga ama tacadiyadda dumarku la kulmaan guud ahaan iyo ka qaybgalka siyaasaddeed ee dhalinyarrada, haweenka, naafadda iyo dadka laga tirada badan yahay, garo’oo waa bulsho loo kala ab-tirinayo. Waxaa run ah in dhamaan mawduucyadaasi aan ka dhawaajiyey ay saameeyaan dhalinyarrada laakiin dhaqaale iyo wakhti aanay mudneyn ayaa lagu lumiyaa oo weli ba wax ba lagama qabtee waa siminar iyo tabobar ma dhaafto!!

 

Beryahan dambe waxaa aad loo maqli jirey olole ay dhalinyarradu ugu jirtay in hoos loo dhigo da’da lagaga qayb-gali karo tartanka doorashooyinka deeggaanka, runtii waa wax lagu farxi karo laakiin waxaad argagaxaysaa markaad aragto ilaha ay fikradahani ay ka soo burqanayaan oo ah qolada aan ugu yeedho siyaasiyi is-moodka qaloocday waa dhalinyarrada ka xoogsata siyaasadda malaha waxaad ku qososhay ama aad la yaabtay siyaasad iyo ka xoogsigeeda, ha la yaabin dalkeena siyaasaddu waa shaqada qudha ee aan aqoon iyo karti midna lagu helin, waa nin iyo qabyaalad ku dhaqankiisu iyo guul wadeyntiisu halkay dhigto. Meesha kalena waa haya’adaha caalamiga ah oo maashaariicdoodu u badan tahay xuquuqul insaan iyo ka qaybgal siyaasaddeed oo markaad aragto buug-gacmeedyadooda (Handout/Manual) aad fahmayso in ay si khaldan ugu fasiraan ama u fahamsiiyaan dhalinyarrada iyo haweenka.

 

Ku dhowaad 60% ka mid ah dhalinyarradeena ayaan fursad u helin in ay wax bartaan, halka intooda wax barateyna in ka yar 45% ay heer jaamacadeed gaadhaan. Waxaynu u baahanahay in dhalinyarrada badankoogu ay fursad u heli karaan in ay wax bartaan oo ay weliba ugu yaraan heer jaamacaddeed gaadhaan. Waxa kale oo loo baahan yahay in la abuuro qorshe lagaga faa’iideysanayo aqoonta iyo xooga dhalinyarrada iyadoo loo abuurayo shaqooyin ku filan dhalinyarrada jaamacadaha ka soo qalin-jebisay. Dhalinyarrada aan fursada u helin in ay wax bartaana waxaa wanaagsan in loo sameeyo meelo lagu barro xirfado shaqo.

 

Marna ba ma wanaagsana in qof dhalinyarro ah oo aan mustaqbalka noloshiisa meel dhigin ama aan aqoontiisa dhisin uu ku degdego ka qaybgalka siyaasaddan khariban, waayo wuxuu halis u yahay inuu ka mid noqdo maamul xumada, af-xumada iyo musuqmaasuqa baahsan ee astaanta u ah siyaasiyiinteena maanta, waaxaana loo adeegsan karaa xumaan kasta. Qofka dhalinyarrada ah ee wax bartay, noloshiisana ku filani wuu gali karaa siyaasadda waana dadka uu dalkani u baahan yahay in ay ka siifeeyaan calooshood u shaqeystayaashan aynu u haysano siyaasiyiinta.

 

Qalinkii: Garyaqaan Cabdishakuur Cali Muxumed (Good Lawyer)

awmuxumed@yahoo.com

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