The Emergency of Traditional Knowledge in Africa: Pre-colonial, Colonial, and Post-colonial Era

 
Introduction:

Africa has a rich and diverse cultural heritage that is deeply rooted in its traditional knowledge systems. Traditional knowledge refers to the accumulated knowledge, skills, practices, and beliefs that have been passed down through generations within indigenous African communities. This essay explores the emergency and evolution of traditional knowledge in Africa during the pre-colonial, colonial, and post-colonial eras. It delves into the impact of colonization on traditional knowledge, the subsequent efforts to preserve and revitalize it, and the challenges and opportunities faced in the contemporary era.

Pre-colonial Era:

In the pre-colonial era, traditional knowledge was the cornerstone of African societies. It encompassed various aspects of life, including agriculture, medicine, spirituality, governance, and arts. Indigenous communities possessed a deep understanding of their environment and employed sustainable practices for resource management. For instance, they developed sophisticated agricultural techniques, such as crop rotation and terracing, to maximize productivity while preserving the fertility of the land.

In the realm of medicine, African traditional healers played a crucial role. They had an intimate knowledge of local plants, minerals, and animal products, using them to treat various ailments and maintain the overall well-being of their communities. Traditional healers also served as spiritual guides, connecting individuals to their ancestral roots and facilitating community cohesion.

Imagine a vibrant African village in the pre-colonial era. The villagers are engaged in various activities, each showcasing the depth of traditional knowledge that permeates their lives:

1.     Agriculture: In the fields, farmers employ traditional techniques that have been passed down for generations. They use a combination of intercropping, where different crops are planted together to maximize yield and deter pests, and terracing, which prevents soil erosion on hilly terrain. Their sustainable agricultural practices ensure food security for the community while maintaining the fertility of the land.

2.     Medicine: Nearby, a traditional healer is tending to a patient. With a vast knowledge of local plants and herbs, the healer prepares a medicinal concoction to alleviate the symptoms. They draw upon the wisdom passed down from their ancestors and have an intimate understanding of the healing properties of different plants and minerals found in the region.

3.       Spiritual Practices: In the center of the village, a gathering takes place. The community is engaged in a traditional ceremony led by a respected elder. The ceremony involves prayers, songs, and dances, all deeply rooted in the spiritual beliefs of the community. The elder serves as a spiritual guide, connecting the people to their ancestors and reinforcing their cultural identity.

Colonial Era:

The advent of European colonialism in Africa drastically impacted traditional knowledge systems. European powers sought to exploit the continent's resources, often disregarding indigenous knowledge and imposing their own systems and practices. Missionaries attempted to convert Africans to Christianity, resulting in the erosion of indigenous spiritual practices and beliefs.

Colonial powers also introduced Western-style education, which prioritized European knowledge and marginalized traditional knowledge. Indigenous languages and oral traditions were devalued, leading to the loss of ancestral wisdom. Additionally, the imposition of colonial legal and administrative systems undermined traditional governance structures and decision-making processes.

Transitioning to the colonial era, the scene undergoes a significant transformation:

1.     Agriculture: European settlers introduce monoculture farming, promoting cash crops for export. The traditional farming methods are disregarded, and the focus shifts to maximizing profit rather than sustainable land management. The use of pesticides and synthetic fertilizers replaces the indigenous knowledge of natural pest control and soil enrichment.

2.     Medicine: Western medicine becomes dominant, and traditional healers are marginalized. The traditional knowledge of herbal remedies and holistic approaches to health are devalued and replaced by Western pharmaceuticals and healthcare systems.

3.     Spiritual Practices: Missionaries promote Christianity, leading to a decline in indigenous spiritual practices.

Post-colonial Era:

Following the struggles for independence, many African nations embarked on efforts to reclaim and revitalize their traditional knowledge systems. Recognizing the value of indigenous practices and the need for sustainable development, governments and communities started integrating traditional knowledge into development policies and programs.

Efforts were made to promote indigenous languages, oral traditions, and cultural practices within education systems. In some countries, traditional healing practices gained recognition alongside Western medicine, leading to the establishment of institutions that integrate both approaches. Furthermore, there has been a growing appreciation for the role of traditional knowledge in environmental conservation and natural resource management.

In the post-colonial era, efforts to reclaim and revitalize traditional knowledge emerge:

1.     Agriculture: The governments recognize the importance of sustainable agriculture and promotes the revival of traditional farming practices. Communities engage in organic farming, reintroducing crop rotation and terracing techniques. They embrace agroecology, combining traditional knowledge with modern scientific approaches to create resilient and sustainable farming systems.

2.     Medicine: Traditional healing practices regain recognition and are integrated into the healthcare system. Traditional healers collaborate with Western medical practitioners, offering complementary approaches to healthcare that combine the best of both worlds. Indigenous knowledge of medicinal plants and holistic healing methods find their place alongside Western medicine.

3.     Cultural Preservation: Efforts are made to preserve and promote indigenous languages, oral traditions, and cultural practices. For example, in Somalia schools are incorporating traditional knowledge into their curriculum, ensuring that younger generations have the opportunity to learn and appreciate their cultural heritage. Cultural festivals and events showcase traditional arts, music, and dance, encouraging pride and celebration of African traditions.

Challenges and Opportunities:

Despite these positive developments, traditional knowledge in Africa continues to face significant challenges. Globalization, urbanization, and modernization have led to the erosion of traditional practices and the loss of intergenerational transmission. Younger generations are often more drawn to Western lifestyles, leaving behind traditional knowledge systems.

Furthermore, intellectual property rights and the commercialization of traditional knowledge remain complex issues. Indigenous communities often find their knowledge exploited without appropriate compensation or recognition. Efforts to protect traditional knowledge through legal mechanisms have been limited and inadequate.

Nevertheless, there are opportunities to address these challenges. African governments, NGOs, and international organizations are increasingly recognizing the importance of traditional knowledge in achieving sustainable development goals. Initiatives are being undertaken to document and preserve traditional knowledge, establish community-based organizations, and promote cultural tourism that respects and supports local traditions.

Conclusion:

The emergency and evolution of traditional knowledge in Africa have been shaped by various historical forces. While colonialism imposed significant challenges, post-colonial Africa has witnessed efforts to reclaim, preserve, and revitalize traditional knowledge systems. The recognition of the value of traditional knowledge in achieving sustainable development goals offers hope for the future. By fostering dialogue, collaboration, and equitable partnerships, African societies can ensure that their rich traditional knowledge continues to thrive and contribute to their overall well-being.

MURANKA DOORASHOOYINKA: 4 XAQIIQO OO RUN AH OO U BAAHAN IN LA WAJAHO LANA XALIYO

 

MUDDO-KORDHINTA IYO SHARCIYADDEEDA

Talaabada ugu mudan ee xubnahan cusub ee KDQ u taalay July 2022 markii la magacaabay waxay ahayd cayimaada maalinta qabsoomida doorashada Madaxtooyada oo sida sharciga ah ay waajib tahay in ay dhacdo November 2022 gudaheeda. Haseyeeshee, imika taasi suurtogal ba maaha lamana cayimi karo in doorashada Madaxtooyadu ay dhacayso November 2022 dhexdeeda sababtoo ah:-

1)       Sida uu dhigayo Qod. 6(2) Xeerka Doorashooyinka Qaranka (Xeer Lr. 91/2020), "KDQ iyagoo ku saleynaya bil kahor dhammaadka muddo-xileedka Madaxweynaha iyo kuxigeenkiisa (November 2022) waa in ay cayimaan maalinta ay qabsoomayso doorashada Madaxtooyadu 120 maalmood kahor maalintaa ay  doorashadu dhacayso."  Hadda 66 maalmood oo keliya ayaa innaga xiga 13ka November 2022ka oo ah maalinta ugu dambeysa wakhtiga ay sharci ahaan waajibka ahayd in la qabto doorashada Madaxtooyada November 2022. Waxaa markaas cad in doorashadu aanay xitaa December 2022 dhacayn ama qabsoomi karin oo sannadka 2023 innoogu soo gelayo iyadoon doorashadu qabsoomin.

2)       Haseyeeshee, sida ku cad Qod. 6(3) Xeer Lr. 91/2020, KDQ hawsha imika u taalaa waa in ay caddeeyaan in aanay doorashada Madaxtooyadu qabsoomi karin 2022 isla markaana ay diyaariyaan warbixinta duruufaha iyo asbaabaha farsamo (technically) ahaan aanay suurtogal u ahayn in doorashada wakhtigeedii lagu qabto, soona jeediyaan jadwalka ama wakhtiga ay doorashadu ku qabsoomi karto. Waxaana markaas sida lagu jideeyey Qod. 6(3) Xeer Lr. 91/2020 Golaha Guurtida waajib ku noqonaysa in iyagoo ku goaan qaadanaya soojeedinta KDQ isla markaana la tashanaya, uu kordhiyo muddo-xileedka Madaxtooyada haddii ay caddaato in farsamo ahaan aanay doorashada Madaxtooyadu ku qabsoomi karin wakhtigii loo asteeyey ama ay jirto duruuf kasta oo ka baxsan xaaladdaha ku xusan Qod. 42aad iyo 83aad Dastuurka.

Sidaas darteed, maalinta ay doorashada Madaxtooyadu qabsoomaysaa waxay noqonaysaa bil kahor dhammaadka muddada-lagu-kordhiyo muddo-xileedka Madaxweynaha iyo kuxigeenkiisa. Waxaana sida waafaqsan Qod. 6aad Xeer Lr. 91/2020 maalintaas u cayimi doona KDQ oo 120  maalmood kahor maalintaas ay cayimeen in doorashadu ay qabsoomi doonto u gudbin doona Madaxweynaha oo isna 15 maalmood gudahood kusoo saari doona Digreeto.

Sida ku cad Qod. 62(10) iyo 63(2) Xeer Lr. 91/2020 doorashada Madaxtooyada waxa shardi u ah in ay jiraan xisbiyo ansax ah oo diiwaangashan sababtoo ah xubnaha isku sharaxaya doorashada Madaxweynaha iyo kuxigeenkiisu waa in ay xubin ka yihiin xisbiyo ansax ah oo diiwaangashan, si kale haddaan u idhaahdo xisbi uun baa layska sharaxi karaa doorashada Madaxtooyada balse urur layskama sharaxi karo..

DIIWAANGELINTA IYO KALA REEBIDA URURRADA SIYAASADDA

Sida ku cad Qod. 9aad ee Dastuurka JSL nidaamka siyaasaddeed ee dalka waxa saldhig u ah NABAD, TALO-WADAAG, DIMUQRAADIYAD iyo HANNAANKA XISBIYADA BADAN. waxaanu dastuurku tirada xisbiyada siyaasaddeed ee dalka ku koobay in aanay ka badan 3 xisbi. Qaabka loo abuuri karo xisbi siyaasaddeedna wuxuu dastuurku tilmaamay in lagu habeeyo xeer gaar ah balse ay reeban tahay in xisbi lagu dhiso gobollaysi iyo qabyaalad. Nidaamka  ay muwaadiniintu iskugu habeyn karaan ama u abuuri ururada siyaasaddeed, uguna tarfami karaan in ay ka mid noqdaan 3daas xisbi ee qaranka waxa aad loogu faahfaahiyey xeer gaar ah oo ah Xeerka Nidaamka Ururrada iyo Axsaabta Siyaasadda (Xeer Lr.14/2011).

Waxaanu xeerku waajibinayaa in lixda bilood ee ugu dambeeya dhammaadka muddada 10ka sanno ah ee ruqsadda xisbiyada qaranka la furo diiwaangelinta ururada siyaasadda. Saddexda Xisbi ee hadda jira oo kala ah KULMIYE, WADDANI iyo UCID ayaa noqday saddexdii urrur/xisbi ee doorashadii Degaanka ee sannadkii 2012kii ku guuleystay in ay noqdaan 3da Xisbi ee qaranka, waxaana ruqsadda xisbinimo la siiyey 26kii Diisember 2012. Waxa maalintaas u bilaabantay muddadii 10ka sanno ahayd ee ay xaqa u lahaayeen in ay ahaadaan 3da Xisbi ee qaranka, waxaanay muddadaasi ku eegtahay 26ka Diisember 2022ka.  Si sharci ah ayaa loo furay diiwaangelintii ururrada siyaasadda. Waxaana urruradii loo diiwaangeliyey si waafaqsan habraaca diiwaangelinta urrurada siyaasadda ee uu jidaynayo Qod. 4aad ee Xeer Lr.14/2011. Marxaladdaas hore ee qabashada araajida iyo diiwaangelinta urrurada siyaasadda waxa ka soo gudbay oo shuruudahii ururnimo buuxiyey 15 urur oo la siiyey ogolaanshaha kumeelgaadhka ah oo ay ku hawlgeli karaan muddo cayiman..

Imika waxaynu ku jirnaa marxaladdii 2aad ee diiwaangelinta iyo kala-reebista ururrada sida ku cad  Qod. 5aad Xeer Lr. 14/2011 waana marxalad – marka laga reebo qabashada shirweynaha guud iyo furista iyo hawlgalinta laamaha iyo xafiisyada ururka oo si gaar ah loogu kala reebayo urrurada siyaasadda – ay urrurada la diiwaangeliyey iyo xisbiyadii ruqsadda haystayba ay ku-meelgaadh yihiin, kana siman yihiin fulinta shuruudaha iyo talaabooyinka looga baahan yahay in ay muddo cayiman fuliyaan, una gudbiyaan KDQ. Waana marxaladda aynu hadda ku guda jirno oo ay ugu horeyso qabsoomida shirweynayaashii urrurada oo 09/09/2022 dalka bilaabmay. Intaasi wax muran ah lagama keenin waana sharci.

TARTANKA URURRADA: DOORASHO URURRO OO TOOS AH MISE DOORASHO DADBAN OO DOORASHO KU SIDKAN.

Nidaamkeena siyaasaddeed ee doorashooyinka iyo shuruucda dalkeena meelna kagama jirto doorasho la yidhaa DOORASHADA TOOSKA AH EE URURRADA SIYAASADDA. Hadal haynteedana waxa innoogu horeysay markii laysku sidkay labadii doorasho ee Golayaasha Deegaanka iyo Wakiillada 2021 ee taariikhda doorashada deegaanka markii ugu horeysay aanay ururro ku tartamin sababtuna ay ahayd in aan la gaadhin lixdii bilood ee ugu dambeeyey dhammaadka muddada ruqsadda xisbiyada. Sidaas darteed ayey 3da xisbi ugu tartameen doorashadii deegaanka ee qabsoontay 2021ka.

Xukumaddu waxay isku dayday in ay Waxkabadelkii Xeer Lr.14/2021 ku sharciyeyso DOORASHADA TOOSKA AH EE URURRADA SIYAASADDA. Waatii labada gole ee baarlamaanku ay ansaxiyeen. Haseyeeshee, nasiib-darro uu Madaxweynaha xafiiskiisa ku saqiiray markii uu Madaxweynahu muddadii 21ka casho ahayd ee uu dastuurku xaqa u siiyey in uu ku saxeexo ama ku soo celiyo baarlamaanka isagoo aan midnaba yeelin ay dhammaatay.

Ilaa hadda sida xeerarkeena doorashooyinku ay ka siman yihiin, nooca doorashada ay ku tartamaan axsaabta ama urrurada siyaasadda Soomaaliland waa mid dadban oo aan ururka si toos ah loogu coddeynayn balse tartankoodu uu ku sidkan yahay doorashada Golayaasha Deegaanka. Majiro xeer jideynaya in doorasho toos ah ay ku tartamaan urrurada siyaasaddu ilaa maanta.

Xeer Lr.14/2011 iyo Xeer Lr.91/2020 waa labada xeer ee aynu wax ku doorano. Midkoodna ma jideynayo doorasho toos ah oo urrurada toos loogu codeynayo. Asbaabta keli ee doorashadan loo daliishanayaa waa in Maxkamadda Dastuuriga Qarraarkeedii ay soo saartay 16/01/2022 ay  ku go’aamisay  “in doorashada ururrada siyaasadda ay noqonayso mid [Doorasho] Toos ah”. Haseyeeshee, qaabka ay ururradu u tartamayaan ee xisbiyadu u abuurmayaan maaha mid ay maxkamaddu awood u leedahay in ay dejiso. Sidoo kale maxkamadda ama garsoorku guud ahaan awood uma laha ay wax kaga badelaan xeerarka dhaqangalka ah. Waana awood u gaar ah Waaxda Xeer-dejinta sida waafaqsan Qod. 37(2) ee Dastuurka JSL. Qod. 9(3) ee Dastuurkuna wuxuu si cad u sheegay in XEER lagu habaynayo qaabka ay ururradu u tartamayaan ee loo furan karo xisbi siyaasaddeed. Xeerkaasina waa Xeerka Nidaamka Ururrada iyo Axsaabta Siyaasadda (Xeer Lr.14/2011).. Su’aashu waxay tahay Qaraarka Maxkamaddu ma xeer baa? Maya! Maxkamaddu se Xeer ma dejin kartaa? Maya! Xeerarka doorashooyinka ee jidaynaya in tartanka urruradu uu yahay mid ku sidkan doorashada Goleyaasha Deegaankana, qaraar maxkamaddeed waxba kama badeli karo, waxaana waajib ah in maxkamadda go'aankeedu uu xeer ku dhisnaado isla markaana aanu jidayn wax aanu xeer jidayn.  

Qod. 1aad ee Xeer Lr.14/2011 wuxuu kelmada “URUR SIYAASADEED” ku qeexay "Koox muwaadinin ahoo wadaaga fikir siyaasadeed oo isu diwaangeliya Urur ahaan SI AY UGA QAYB QAATAAN DOORASHOOYINKA GOLAYAASHA DEEGAANKA KAHOR INTA AAN LOO AQOONSAN XISBIYO QARAN. Halkaas waxa ka cad in tartanka ururradu uu yahay in ay isu diiwaangeliyaan kana qaybgalaan Doorashooyinka Golayaasha Deegaanka.  

Sidoo kale sida ku cad Qod. 1aad ee Xeer Lr.91/2020, xeerka guud ee doorashooyinka waxa ku cad inta doorasho ee uu xeerku jideeyey. Waxaanu Qod. 1aad kelmada "DOORASHOOYINKA QARANKA" ku qeexay "Habka codbixiyayaashu ku soo doortaan Madaxweynaha iyo ku-xigeenka Madaxweynaha, mudanayaasha Golaha wakiilada iyo golayaasha deegaanka, iyada oo lagu go’aan qaadanayo aqlabiyada codadka la kala helay."   Halkaasna waxa ka cad in aanay jirin saddexda doorasho ee Madaxtooyada, Wakiillada iyo Deegaannada mooyee doorasho kale oo lagu dooranayo ururrada siyaasadda oo uu xeerku jideeyey. Qoladan ku xabeebtay waa in la qabtaa doorashadii ururrada lagu dooranayey ee weliba ku dooddaysa sharciga sidiisa ha loogu dhaqmo bal ha innoo sheegaan doorashadan tooska ah ee ururrada xeerka jideeyey ee loo raacayo? Xeer ba iska daayo hal qodob oo sharci ah oo jideeyey in ururrada toos loogu codeynayo ama loo dooranayo majiro.

4 XAQIIQO OO RUN AH UNA BAAHAN IN LA WAAJAHO IYO XALKOODA?

Xaqiiqaha runta ah ee aynu u baahanahay in sharci ahaan la wajaho oo xalkooda laga shaqeeyaa kuma koobna afartan qodob ee hoos ku faahfaahsan, balse iyagu keliya kuwa ugu culus ee in la dul istaago mudan:-.

1)       DOORASHADA MADAXTOOYADU FARSAMO AHAAN UMA QABSOOMI KARTO SANNADKAN 2022 sababtoo ah 66 maalmood ayaa innaga xiga maalinta ugu dambeysa (13/12/2022) wakhtiga uu sharcigu waajibiyey in ay dhacdo Doorashada Madaxtooyadu, waxaana waajib ahayd in KDQ ay cayimaan maalinta Doorashadu qabsoomayso 120 maalmood kahor maalintaas. 54 maalmood kahor -  bishii Julaay badhtankeedii - ayey ahayd in la cayimo maalinta doorashadu dhacayso. Sidaas darteed, haddii aanay doorashada Madaxtooyadu farsamo ahaan u qabsoomi karin wakhtigii loo asteeyey in ay qabsoonto. iyadoo xitaa aanay jirin xaaladdaha ku xusan Qod. 42aad iyo 83aad ee dastuurka, wuxuu xeerku waajibinayaa in Golaha Guurtidu uu Muddo-xileedka Madaxweynaha iyo ku-xigeenka kordhiyo kuna saleeyo wakhtiga ay KDQ soo jeediyaan in ay ku qaban karaan doorashada sida ku cad Qod. 6(3) Xeer Lr. 91/2020. Taasi waa mid kamid ah xaqiiqooyinka runta ah xalkeeduna waa muddo-kordhintaas uu waajibiyey Qod. 6(3) Xeer Lr. 91/2020.

2)       DOORASHADA MADAXTOOYADU MA QABSOOMAYSO ILAA LA HELO 3 XISBI OO ANSAX AH  sababtoo ah sida ku cad Qod. 62(10) iyo Qod. 63(2) Xeer Lr. 91/2020 shuruudaha Murashaxiinta Doorashada Madaxtooyada waxa kamid ah oo shardi u ah in qofku uu xubin ka yahay iskana soo sharaxay xisbi ansax ah, waxaana liiska murashaxiinta Doorashada Madaxtooyada gudbin kara oo ka qaybgeli kara oo keliya xisbi ansax ah. Xaqiiqada runta ah waxay tahay in 26ka Diisambar 2022 ay dhacayso ruqsada 3da Xisbi oo aanay jirayn Xisbiyo Ansax ah oo ka qaybgeli kara Doorasho Madaxtooyo. Xalkeeduna waa in la helo Xeer Jideeya Doorashada ururrada Siyaasaddeed oo kadibna doorashadaas la qabto. Macnaha waa in marka hore la qabtaa doorasho ay urrurada/xisbiyadu ku tartamaan oo 3 kamid ah ay Xisbinimo u soo baxaan. 3daas xisbi ee ansaxa noqda uun baa murashaxiintooda Madaxweynenimo iyo kuxigeennadoodu ay u tartami karaan Doorashada Madaxtooyada

3)       MAJIRTO DOORASHO SI TOOS AH URRURO LOOGU DOORTO OO XEERARKEENU DOORASHADU AY JIDEEYEEN oo ay xitaa meel keli ah ku xuseen. In Ururro ku tartamaan Doorashada Goleyaasha Deegaanka ayey xeerarkeenu jideeyeen kumana ay qeexin umana aqoonsana wax ka baxsan doorashada Goleyaasha Deegaanka oo ay ururro ku tartamaan. Doorasho Toos ah oo urrurada lagu kala doorto loona codeynayo ururka laftiisa waa wax qurux badan oo aynu ku kordhin karno xeerarkeena haddaynu danteena u aragno oo ay inna cajabisay. Waxay keliya u baahan tahay waxkabadel lagu sameeyo xeerarka doorashooyinka si loo helo xeer jidaynaya in ay urrurada siyaasaddu ku tartamaan doorasho toos ah oo lagu kala doorto ururrada laftooda. Xaqiiqada runta ahna waa in ilaa waxkabadel iyo kaabis lagu sameeyo xeerarkeena doorashooyinka oo lagu kordhiyo in ururrada siyaasaddu ay ku tartamayaan doorosho toos ah oo loogu kala coddaynayo aanay sharci ahayn doorashadan tooska ah ee ay hadda ururradu isku diiwaangeliyeen.  Xalkuna waa in Goleyaasha Xeerdejintu ay wax ka badel iyo kaabis ku sameeyaan xeerarka doorashooyinka kadibna sidaas lagu galo doorashada urrurada markaas kadibna la qabto Doorashada  Madaxtooyada.

4)       DOORASHADA MADAXTOOYADA IYO TARTANKA URURRADA SIYAASADDA LAYSKUMA SIDKI KARO

Waa run in sida ku cad Qod. 6aad Xeer Lr.91/2020 sharci ahaan ay KDQ mar wada qaban karaan laba doorasho iyo ka badan sida Madaxtooyada iyo wakiillada, Madaxtooyada iyo Deegaanka wakiillada iyo deegaanka ama xitaa Madaxtooyada, wakiillada iyo deegaanka ba isku hal mar ayaa la wada qaban karaa haddii ay haboonaato. Haseyeeshee, xeerarkeena doorashada hadda meelna kagama jirto oo ma aqoonsana doorasho la yidhaa DOORASHADA TOOSKA AH EE URURRADA SIYAASADDA oo 3daas doorasho ee aan sheegay ka baxsan weliba  labada doorasho ee Madaxtooyada iyo Wakiillada marnaba lalama qaban karo ama laguma sidki karo tartanka ay ururradu ugu tartamayaan xisbinimada sababtuna waxay tahay in xeerarka doorashooyinku ay imika dhigayaan in labadaas doorasho ee Madaxtooyada iyo Wakiillada ay ku tartami karaan xisbiyo qaran oo ansax ah.  Macquulna maaha in tartankii xisbinimada iyo  Doorashooyinkaas ay xisbiyadu ku tartamayaan hal mar la wada qabto. Doorashada keliya ee ay hadda xeerarkeenu bannaynayaan in lagu sidko tartanka ururradu waa Doorashada Goleyaasha Deegaanka. Haddii la maarmi waayo oo ay khasab noqoto se xalka keliya ee la heli karaa waa in wax laga badelo xeerarka doorashooyinka oo la banneeyo in ururada siyaasaddu ay u tartami karaan Doorashada Madaxtooyada, markaas kadib waa laysku sidki karaa doorashada madaxtooyada iyo tartanka ururrada loomana baahanayo urur la doorto ee ururka ku guuleysta Madaxtooyada iyo labada urur ee ku soo xiga codadka – saddexda urur ee ugu codka bata – ayaa noqonaya 3da Xisbi Siyaasaddeed ee dalka 10 sanno ee socda.

DANNEEYEYAASHA IYO DHALIISHOODA

Sida aan kor ku sheegay ee ku cad Qod. 9aad ee Dastuurka JSL “Nidaamka siyaasaddeed ee dalka waxa saldhig u ah NABAD, TALO-WADAAG, DIMUQRAADIYAD iyo HANNAANKA XISBIYADA BADAN” Waxaad moodaa danneeyeyaasha siyaasadda iyo goleyaasha qaranku ba in aanay sidaa u fahamsanayn oo aan afartaas mabda’a marnaba la wada xasuusnayn in ay nidaamkeena siyaasaddeed saldhig u wada yihiin oo inta badan ay dhacdo in dhinac isagoo mid difaacaya uu inta kale ka talaabsado, dhinaca kale sidaas si lamid ah uu u dhaqmo.

MADAXWEYNAHA IYO XUKUMADIISA – Sida ku cad Qod. 90aad ee Dastuurka JSL “Madaxweynuhu waa madaxa Qaranka iyo Dawladda; waana astaanta midnimada muwaadiniinta ka tirsan Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland. Waxa uu u xil­saaran yahay daryeelka haybadda dalka; ilaalinta nabadgelyada; horumarinta bulshada iyo hab-sami-u-socodsiinta maamulka Dawadda” Si uu xilkaas u gudan karo ayaa loo siiyey dhammaan awooddaha kale ee uu dastuurku jideeyey. Waa in uu ogaadaa in TALOWADAAGU uu yahay mabda’ dastuuri ah oo weliba kamid yahay mabaadi'da aasaasiga u ah nidaamkeena siyaasaddeed. Haddii uu TALO-WADAAG la iman waayo oo aanu cidna tallo ka qaadan ha ogaado in uu dastuurka khilaafay oo aanu dadka u sheegi karin in uu sharciga ku dhaqmayo.. Madaxweyne aan TALOWADAAG lahayn.ama ogolayn nabad baan ilaalinayaa ma odhan karo, dimuqraadiyad baan ku dhaqmayaana cid ka  rumaysanaysaa majirto.  Xaaladan oo kalena waxaa sharci ah oo wax walba ka sarreeya wixii TALOWADAAG lagu go’aamiyo – Ilaahayna SWT wuu ammaanay kuwa TALOWADAAG wax ku go’aamiya “wa amruhum shu’raa baynahum.”

LABADA XISBI MUCAARAD – Ha xasuusnaadaan in mabaadi'da dastuuriga ee nidaamkeena siyaasaddeed saldhiga u ah ay ugu horeyso uguna mudan tahay NABADU. Waa in ay adeegsadaan nidaamka dawladnimo ama Goleyaasha Qaranka marka ay doonayaan in ay xukumada dariiqa saxda ah ku korjoogteeyaan. Qabsoomida Doorashooyinka waxa ugu muhiimsan in loo adeegsado awoodda iyo kantaroolka Goleyaasha sharci dejineed oo khasbi kara in doorasho ay wakhtigeeda ku dhacdo balse doorasho kuma qabsoomi mayso in hab qabiileysan dadka ay u kiciyaan, carruur iyo haweena bileyska laga horkeeno – NABADA ayuun baa ku wiiqanta, doorashooyinkuna dib ayuun bay u dhacaan. In ay si fiican u adeegsadaan goleyaasha sharci dejinta oo wixii ay ka hortagayaan xeer kaga hortagaan, wixii ay doonayaana xeer ku dhigtaan ayay xukumada ku kaantarooli karaan oo ay mucaaradnimadooduna macno ku samaynaysaa. Haseyeeshee, nasiib-darro intaas xukumadda ayaa fahamsan oo iyaga u adeegsanaysa balse iyagu ma fahamsana.  

XILDHIBAANNADA  BAARLAMAANKA – Xisbi, qabiil iyo qoys midna kama wakiil aha, umana ay dhaaraan. Ha ogaadeen in sida ku cad Qod. 39aad Dastuurka JSL ay yihiin “Xubno ka wakiil ah dadweynaha; oo ah Xeer-dejinta dalka, ansixiya xeerarka, oggolaada oo ilaaliya siyaasadda guud ee hoggaaminta dalka” Xilka saarani waa mid ka culus makarifoonka oo laga hadlo iyo warbaahinta oo laga muuqdo. Mustawahoogu muu ahayn in ay ku sifoobaan Maanta diidda berrina ogolaada, waa ceeb sidaasi.  Waa ayo cidda ay ka sugayaan xeerar lagu kala baxo oo xal u noqda muranka siyaasaddeed? Xeerkii Doorashada Ururrada lagu galayey ma qaraarkii Maxkamadda Dastuuriga ayey u aqoonsadeen? Miyaan iyaga laga sugayn? Miyaanay iyaga ahayn kuwii  keeni lahaa xalka doorashooyinka Madaxtooyada, Guurtida iyo Tartanka ururrada oo dhammaantood muddo dhaaf noqonaya haddii la gaadho January 2023? Mise xaalkoodu waa ILAAHAYOOW J8D U BIXI? Ha fahmaan in 1) cid aan iyaga ahayni aanay xeer dejin karin 2) Siyaasad guud oo aanay iyagu ogolaana aan dalka lagu hoggaamin karin.  Hadday intaas fahamsan yihiin qaraarka maxkamadda dastuuriga ah kama ay aamuseen, iyadoon xeer jideeyey ba jirin ururro siyaasaddeedna doorasho toos ah oo lagu kala doorto isuma diiwaangeliyeen, xubin ay cod ku diiddeen laguma soo celiyeen oo aqlabiyad kuma ay ansaxiyeen. Markaa iyaga waxaan keliya leeyahay WAX FAHMA WAX BAA HORTA LA FAHMAAYE kahor intaan makrafoon la qabsan, shaashadna aan laga muuqan.

URURRADA SIYAASADDA – Annaga (dadweynaha) ayaad naga mid tihiin, xaq baynu u leenahay in aynu siyaasadda ka qayb-qaadano – la inna doorto, waxna aynu doorano. Waa run saddexdan xisbi ee qaarkood 20 sanno ay ummadda soo hortaagaanaayeen way ka leexdeen nidaamkii sharci ee dalka. Waa xusbiyo reereed oo wakhtigoodii dhacay, ka yeeli mayno in ay iyaga u sii xidhnaato saaxada siyaasaddeed. Hal su’aal ayaan se idinka idin weydiinayaa Maxaad kaga duwan tihiin oo aad soo kordhinaysaan hadday daan goboleysigii iyo qabyaaladii uu dastuurku reebay ka tegin? Doorashadan se Xukumaddu idin tidhi waad ku tartamaysaan xeerkee jideeyey oo loo raacayaa? Xeerarka Doorashooyinka se miyey ka horimanaysaa mise way waafaqsan tahay? Haddaanu jirin xeer doorashada ururrada jideeyey isla markaana aanay waafaqsanayn xeerarka doorashooyinka maxaad yeelaysaan? Miyaad iska gelaysaan? Iyagana waxaan leeyahay Alif  koow ku xumaaday, albaqruu ku dhibaaye, waxa maanta innoo daran doorasho aan darjeexahayn oo xeerarkeenu dejiyaan, doorasho loo diyaar yahay, doorasho aan dirsooc jirin, doorasho aan innooga sii darin, isku soo ururriyoo WAXAYNU DOONAYNAA DOORASHO, DOORASHO DHAANTA KUWII HORE. Waxa la idinka rabaa in aad daartaan oolkii ragga idinka dambeeyaa ninba dogob uu kor dhigi lahaa.

WABILLAAHI TAWFIIQ

W/Q. Garyaqaan Cabdishakuur Cali Muxumed

Email: goodlawyer2014@gmail.com

Burco, Soomaaliland.

Faallo: Muranka ka Dhashay Xubnaha Cusub ee KDQ, Heshiiskii Xisbiyada Qaranka iyo Xeerka Doorashooyinka (Xeer Lr. 20/2001)

Murankan magacaabida Xubnaha Guddiga (Koomishanka) Doorashooyinka Qaranka (KDQ) waxa bar-bilow u ahaa muranka xukumadda iyo mucaaradka ee la xidhiidhay kala dirida Guddiga (Koomishanka) Doorashooyinka Qaranka (KDQ), kaas oo ka dhashay Doorashadii Madaxtooyada ee dalka ka qabsoomtay 13kii Noofembar 2017-ka. Guddoomiyaha Xisbiga WADDANI Cabdiraxmaan Maxamed Cabdillaahi Cirro ayaa 22kii Maarso 2018 ku dhawaaqay “In ay Madaxweynaha u gudbiyeen qoraal ay ku soo ururriyeen dhaliilaha doorashadii madaxtooyada iyo gefafkii laga galay xeerarka diiwaangelinta iyo doorashooyinka.” Guddoomiye Cirro wuxuu ugu dambayn caddeeyey in Xisbiga WADDANI “Qoraalkaas uu Madaxweynaha u gudbiyey ku muujiyey in aanu wax kalsooni ah oo uu doorashooyinka dambe ku qabto ku qabin Guddiga Doorashooyinka, waxaanu codsaday in guddiga la kala diro oo mid cusub si dhakhso ah loo dhiso.”

Qoraalka uu Xisbiga WADDANI u gudbiyey Madaxweyne Muuse wuxuu u cuskaday Qod. 14(2) Xeer Lr. 20/2001 oo dhigaya “Marka arrimaha kor ku xusan (asbaabaha xilka lagaga qaadi karo xubnaha KDQ), waxa Madaxweynahu uu magacaabayaa guddi-baadhiseed ka soo warbixisa si uu go,aan uga qaato”. Sidaas darteed, waxay Madaxweynaha ka codsadeen in uu guddidaas magacaabo kadibna uu guto waajibaadka ay saarayso faqradda 3aad ee qodobkan oo dhigaysa “Xil ka qaadista Komishanka waxa awood u leh Madaxweynaha, waxase shardi ah in Golaha Wakiiladu ku ansixiyo xil ka qaadistaas cod hal-dheeri ah (simple majority).

Guddoomiyaha Xisbiga UCID Faysal Cali Waraabe oo saxaafada la hadlay isla maalintan uu Xisbiga WADDANI shaaciyey in aanu KDQ ku kalsoonayn oo la kala diro, ayaa isagu qabay in KDQ aan la kala dirin si ay doorashadu u qabsoonto. Wuxuu yidhi “’Do not change your horse at the bottom of the river’ oo macnaheedu yahay ‘adoo webi dhex socda faraskaaga lama badelo’… Koomishanka WADDANI xubin ayuu ku leeyahay, annaguna xubin ayuu ku leenahay…hadduu kiisa badelayo xaq buu leeyahay, laakiin annagu badeli mayno.”

Haseyeeshee, saddex casho kadib 25kii Maarso 2018, Madaxweyne Muuse Biixi wuxuu labada gole ee baarlamaanka JSL kahor jeediyey khudbad-sannadeedkii Madaxweynaha ee sannadka 2018-ka. Wuxuu qodobka 9aad ee khudbadiisa kaga hadlay arrimaha doorashooyinka, waxaanu kaga jawaabay qoraalkaas uu Xisbiga WADDANI u gudbiyey, waxaanu ku doodday “In KDQ ay fuliyeen dhammaan Xeerarkii iyo Hab-raacyaddii sharci ee doorashada. In ay dhiseen dhammaan guddiyaddii iyo xafiisyaddii hirgalin lahaa doorashadda, oo waafaqsan Xeerarka doorashada. Waxa ay ku heleen ammaan iyo bogaadin caalami ah dal iyo dibadba.” Wuxuu sidoo kale isagoo ka jawaabaya dhaliilaha uu xisbiga WADDANI ku eeddeeyey KDQ yidhi “Waxa u marag-furay KDQ in ay si daah-furan, oo xor iyo xalaal ah u qabteen doorashadii Madaxtooyadda, Goob-joogayaashii Caalamiga ahaa iyo kuwii Maxalliga ahaa.”

Inkastoo Xisbiga WADDANI dalabka uu u gudbiyey Madaxweynaha ku xusay qodobka sharci ee ay u cuskadeen, waxa muranka keenay wuxuu ahaa shuruuddaha xil ka qaadista ee ku cad qodobka Qod. 14aad Xeer Lr. 20/2001 oo ah kuwo aan si cad u qornayn oo laga dhadhansan karo in xil ka qaadista uu qodobku ka hadlayaa tahay mid shakhsi-shakhsi loogu dabaqayo xubnaha KDQ oo aanay si cad ugu caddayn kala dirid isku hal mar keliya xil ka qaadis loogu sameyn karo guud ahaan xubnaha KDQ.

Sidoo kale asbaabta uu Xisbiga WADDANI u cuskaday dalabka baadhista iyo xil ka qaadista KDQ waxay ahayd mid inta badan lagu faahfaahiyey cabashooyin ka dhashay Doorashadii Madaxtooyada ee 2017-ka, balse aan mudnaanta la siin shuruuddaha qodobka ku cad oo loo baahnaa in dalabka noocan ah awoodda lagu saaro sida ay xubin kastaa ugu sifoowday shuruuddaha ku cad Qod. 14(1) Xeer Lr. 20/2001. Taasi waxay Madaxweynaha fursad u siisay in uu dulucda muranka ku koobo cabashooyinka doorashooyinka sida uu ku doodday mar uu ka jawaabayey su’aallo ay saxaafadu weydiisay “Haddii WADDANI cabasho ka qabo Natiijadii Doorashada waxay ahayd in uu Maxkamadda Sarre u dacwoodo, anniga sharcigu awood iima siin in aan amro in baadhis lagu sameeyo sidii ay doorashadu u dhacday ama kala dirista KDQ.”  

Xukumaddu waxay intii uu murankaasi socday 7-dii Julaay 2018-ka u gudbisay Golaha Wakiillada kadib markii uu Golaha Wasiiradu ansaxiyey Xeer layskugu geeyey Xeerarkii Doorashooyinka iyo Diiwaangelinta oo ah xeer isku dhaf ah oo noqon doona Xeerka Guud ee Doorashooyinka iyo Diiwaangelinta, Xeerkan oo saddexdii ajende ee ugu dambeeyey ee Golaha Wakiilada (inta aan ogahay) ku jiray balse ilaa hadda (Muddo sannad iyo badh ku dhoow) dooddiisa weli lama gudo gelin. Xagga dambe ayeynu ka hadli doonaa oo uu muranka ka soo gelayaa.

Muddo 10 bilood ah saddexda Xisbi Qaran murankaas ayey iskaga soo horjeedeen, wax tanaasul iyo heshiis ah iyagoon midna ka gaadhin, isla markaana Xisbiga WADDANI aanu go’aanka uu Madaxweynahu ku diidday codsigoodii wax rafcaan ah uga qaadan Maxkamadda Sarre, ayuu KDQ bishii Noofeembar 2018-ka ku dhawaaqay in aan Doorashada Golayaasha Wakiillada iyo Deegaannada la qaban karin 28/04/2019. Golaha Guurtiduna 21kii Jeenawari 2019 ayuu markii 5aad Golaha Wakiillada u kordhiyey muddo-xileedka ku dhowaad 8 bilood oo ka bilaabantay 28/04/2019 kuna eeg 12/12/2019-ka. Xisbi xaakimka KULMIYE iyo Xisbiga WADDANI ee mucaaradka ahba way soo dhoweeyeen muddo-kordhinta doorashada Golaha Wakiillada.

Muddo-kordhinta doorashada kadib, wuxuu murankii kala dirista KDQ isku badalay mid awoodda la saarayo TIRADA XUBNAHA KDQ arrintaas oo ay saddexda xisbi qaran ba ku kala aragti duwanaayeen. Xisbiga WADDANI wuxuu doodday in tirada xubnaha KDQ laga dhigo 9 xubnood oo laba xisbi mucaarad mid ba hal xubin loogu daro, koomishankan horena la kala diro oo xubno cusub la magacaabo. Xisbiga UCID isna wuxuu ku doodday in labada xisbi mid ba xubin loogu daro, balse wuxuu kaga aragti duwanaa in koomishanka la kala diro oo wuxuu qabay in xubnaha KDQ ay dhammeystaan muddo-xileedkooda oo ay doorashada ka sii shaqeeyaan, xubnaha cusubna inta la ansaxiyo ay xubnaha hore xilka kala wareegaan marka ay muddo-xileedkoodu dhammaato. Xisbi xaakimka KULMIYE wuxuu isna ku doodday in aan Koomishanka la kala dirin, waxbana aan lagu kordhin tiradooda balse xubnaha cusub la magacaabo oo la ansaxiyo, lana sii shaqeeyaan  xubnaha hore KDQ muddada xilkoodu uga hadhsan, kalana wareegaan xilka marka muddo-xileedkoodu dhammaado.

Muddo kordhintii kadib, kulunno faro badan oo aan wax isafgarad ah laga gaadhin ayaa socday muddo ilaa lix bilood ah intii uu muranka cusub ee tirada xubnaha KDQ socday, waxa arrinka soo dhex galay qaadhaan bixiyeyaasha oo saddexda xisbi qaran ba caddaadis ku saaray in ay heshiis ka gaadhaan arrimahan ay isku hayaan si aanay doorashadii dib uga dhicin dhammaadka sannadkan 2019ka.

Heshiiska Saddexda Xisbi Qaran

Ugu dambeyn, saddexda Xisbi Qaran ee JSL waxay 27-kii Julaay 2019 ku heshiiyeen shir balaadhan oo ka qabsoomay Xarunta Madaxtooyada, oo ay goob-joog ka ahaayeen wufuud ka socotay Midowga Yurub iyo Ingiriiska. Waxay ku heshiiyeen heshiis ka kooban 8 qodob, oo ah kuwan aan hoos ku faahfaahiyey:

1)    In xubnihii Guddida Doorashada Qaranka oo tiradoodu ahayd 7 xubnood laga dhigo 9 xubnood, loona gudbiyo Golaha Wakiillada, si ay wax-ka-bedeel iyo kaabis ugu sameeyaan Xeerka Doorashooyinka Golaha Deegaanka iyo Madaxtooyada, (Xeer Lr. 20/2002), kaas oo wax ka-bedel lagu sameeyey 15/9/2012, Qodobka 11aad, Farqada 1aad - a) iyo Faqrada 2aad b) ka hor 8 August 2019.

2)    Mooshinka waxa gudbinaya ugu yaraan 11 Xildhibaan iyo in ka badan oo ka tirsan Golaha Wakiillada JSL, kana soo kala jeeda Saddexda Xisbi Qaran.

3)    Xisbiyada Qaranku waxay u soo jeedinayaan Golaha Wakiillada in ay go’aan ka gaadhaan wax-ka-beddelka qodobka koowaad ee heshiiska Saddexda Xisbi Qaran, inta ka horaysa 1 September 2019.

Weli maan fahmin sababta iyadoo wax ka badelkii lixaad ee ugu dambeeyey ee Xeerka Doorashooyinka Golayaasha Deegaanka iyo Madaxtooyada uu dhaqangal yahay kuna soo baxay Faafinta Rasmiga, Cadadkii 1aad, Lifaaq gaar ah 1aad oo soo baxay 01/04/2017, heshiiska loogu saleeyey wax ka badelkii afraad ee soo baxay 15/09/2012 – ma khalad madbaci ahbaa mise waa ku talogal? Nuxur ahaan marka qodobka sharci ee lagu xusay qodobka 1aad ee heshiiska la eego waxba kuma kala duwana labada wax ka badel ee xeerka lagu sameeyey, tirada Qodobka oo noqonaysa Qod. 12aad, farqada 1aad - a) iyo Faqrada 2aad b) mooyaane.

6-dii Ogos 2019, sidii saddexdan qodob ee heshiisku ayaan ayaa loo fuliyey oo waxaa mooshinkii loo gudbiyey Golaha Wakiillada si ay go’aan uga gaadhaan wax ka badelka uu khuseeyo qodobka 1aad ee heshiisku. Labada xisbi mucaarad uun baa golaha ka soo xaadiray oo arrintaas u ololeeyey. Haseyeeshee, xildhibaannadii Gobollada Awdal, Sanaag iyo Sool laga soo doortay ayaa fadhigii Golaha ka baxay iyagoo diiddan in heshiiskaas uu Golahu ka dooddo, kuna dooddaya ilaa saami-qaybsiga lagu heshiiyo, in aanay ogolaanayn in lagu heshiiyo in doorasho ay dhacdo.

4)    Haddii wax-ka-beddelka qodobka 1aad ee heshiiskan ay ansixin waayaan Golaha Wakiilladu inta horaysa 1September 2019, waxa Saddexda Xisbi Qaran isku raaceen in mar labaad la hor geeyo Golaha Wakiillada ee cusub, kaddib doorashada.

5)    Magacaabista xubnaha cusub ee Guddida Doorashooyinka Qaranka sida uu dhigayo Xeerka Doorashooyinka Golaha Deegaanka iyo Madaxtooyada, (Xeer Lr. 20/2002), ee wax-ka-beddel lagu sameeyey 15/9/2012 – Qodobka 11aad, Farqada 1aad iyo 2aad), haddii Golaha Wakiilladu ansixiyo wax-ka-beddelka Xeerka, xubnaha Guddida Doorashooyinka Qaranku waxay noqonayaan 9 xubnood, haddii Golaha Wakiilladu ansixin waayaan Guddida Doorashooyinka Qaranku waxay noqonayaan 7-dii xubnood, sida waafaqsan Xeerka Doorashada, ugu danbayn 1 September 2019.

Mooshinkii ka dhashay heshiiska saddexda xisbi qaran markii uu ka soo gudbay marxaladdii kowaad ee golaha, waxa uu Golaha Wakiiladu u fadhiistay 17kii Ogos 2019, waxa ugu fadhigu ku bilaabmay La Taliyahii Sharci ee Golaha oo fadhiga ka dhex akhriyey tallo-bixintiisii sharci oo isla markaana go’aamiyey in mooshinkaasi uu jabay, waxaanu ku sababeeyey ‘In sida ku cad Qod. 43aad ee Xeer-hoosaadka Golaha Wakiillada aan mooshin la furi karin haddii arrinta uu ka hadlayo ama mooshinku khuseeyo uu Golahu ka doodday isla kalfadhigaas. Sidaas darteed, maadaamaa xeerka doorashooyinka ee uu mooshinkani khuseeyo lagaga doodday dooddii ajandaha kal-fadhiga 40aad, Golahuna ansaxiyey oo uu qodobka 7aad kaga jiro mooshinku waa jabay.” Waxaanu go’aamiyey in la sugo marka laga gaadho qodobka 7aad ee ajandaha 40aad.

Maxaa se la sugaa ba, fadhiga uu sidan ka leeyahay ayaa ba noqday fadhigii ugu dambeeyey kalfadhigii 40aad ee Golaha oo Guddoomiyaha Golaha Wakiillada oo hadalka uga dambeeyey ayaaba ku dhawaaqay in fadhigu uu sidaas ku xidhan yahay, Golahuna uu fasaxiisii galay. Sidaas ayey 4-ta qodob ee heshiiska ugu horeeyey ay ku fuleen, waxba se aanay u soo kordhin.

Saddex arrimood oo muhiim ah ayaa loo baahan yahay in fadhigaas golaha laga soo qaado:

1.    Sharci ahaan sax may ahayn in La taliyaha sharci ee Golahu uu fadhiga Golaha ka horjeediyo tallo-bixintiisa ku wajahan mooshinka oo uu weliba go’aan aanay xubnaha golahu waxba iska weydiin karin ka dhigo. Waxaanay ahayd talaabo uu iskugu gudbayey Guddoomiyaha Golaha Wakiillada oo isaga waajibkiisa ay ahayd in uu tallo-bixinta la-taliyaha sharci xubnaha ugu gudbiyo fadhiga golaha. Haseyeeshee, La Taliyahu wuxuu ku doodday in shaqadiisuba tahay in uu fadhiga Golaha tallo ku lahaado oo ka talo-bixiyo golaha hortiisa. Taasna waxa si cad u  qeexaya Qod. 42aad ee Xeer-hoosaadka Golaha Wakiillada oo faqraddahiisa 4aad iyo 5aad ay dhigayagaan “4. Mooshinka waxa loo gudbinayaa La-taliyaha sharciga si uu u hubiyo in mooshinku waafaqsan yahay xeer hoosaadka iyo dastuurka JSL. 5) Gudoomiyuhu marka uu helo jawaabta la taliyaha sharciga ee ansaxnimada mooshinka wuxuu mudeynayaasha wargelinayaa waqtiga la bilaabayo dooda mooshinka.” Sidaas darteed, isaga waajibkiisu wuxuu ahaa in uu Guddoomiyaha Golaha jawaabtiisa u gudbiyo, Guddoomiyaha ayaa haddii uu ku tallo-bixiyo in mooshinku ansax yahay mudaneyaasha sidaas ku wargelinaya, wakhtiga dooddana la socodsiinaya. Haddii uu ku tallo-bixiyo in mooshinku aanu ansax ahayna sidaas Golaha ugu gudbinaya tallo-bixinta. Sida muuqatay dhacdadani waxay ahayd mid siyaasaddaysan oo sidii loo qorsheeyey u dhacday.

2.    La Taliyaha Sharci midna runtii bay ahayd oo Qod. 43aad ee Xeer-hoosaadka Golaha Wakiilladu wuu dhigayaa “lama furi karo mooshin haddii arrinta uu ka hadlayo ama mooshinku khuseeyo uu Golahu ka doodday isla kalfadhigaas.” Annigu se waxaan aaminsanahay in dooddii ajandaha kalfadhiga 40aad arrinta laga doodday ay ahayd qodobada ajandahu ka koobnaanayo iyo sida mudnaanta loo kala siinayo balse aan la odhan karin arrin ku jirtay qodobada ajandaha ayaa dooddeeda la gudo galay oo waa laga gudbay, in ay ajandaha ku jirto ayaa ba caddayn u ah in la qorsheeyey in laga dooddo oo aan weli laga dooddin. Sidaas darteed, Qodobkaasi muu ahayn mid golaha ka joojinayey in ay ka dooddaan oo ay go’aan ka qaataan heshiiskaas. Golaha ayaa go’aamin karayey in mooshinkan cusub lala mideeyo mashruuc-sharciga xeerka ee ajandaha ku jira mar haddii aan weli laga dooddin qodobada xeerka.

3.    Dooddii ajandaha kalfadhiga 40aad Golaha Wakiillada oo qabsoontay 24kii Juun 2019, waxa dood ka dhiibtay 4 xildhibaan oo kala ah 1. Xildhibaan Xuseen Ismaaciil, 2. Xildhibaan Xaamud Maxamuud Cigaal, 3. Xildhibaan Baar Siciid Faarax iyo 4. Xildhibaan Siciid Maxamed Cilmi. Qodobka 2aad ee Ajandaha kaldhiga ayuu ku jiray Xeerka Doorashooyinku sida ay mudanayaashu ku sheegeen dooddooda, Xildhibaan Baar mooyee, saddexda Xildhibaan ee kale ba waxay codsadeen in Qodobka 1aad ee ajandaha laga dhigo. Subaxii xigay ee 25ka Juun 2019 wuxuu Guddoomiyahu bilawgii ansaxinta ajandaha mudanayaasha ku wargeliyey “Xeerar badan ayaa Golaha dhex yaala, sida aynu u kala hor ansaxinaynaa maaha siday (ajandaha) u kala horeeyaan ee waa siday u kala diyaarsanaadaan – kolba kii gacanta noo soo gala ayaa loo codeynayaa. Sidaas ha la ogaado.” Kadibna waxaa la guda galay in si guud loogu codeeyo ajandaha oo sidaas baa lagu ansaxiyey, waxa isweydiin leh goormaa Xeerka Doorashooyinka qodobka 7aad ee ajandaha loo raray?  Haddii qodobkii 2aad ee uu ajandaha kaga jiray aan mudnaanta la siin. Soo jeedintii mudanayaashii ajandaha ka doodday ee ahayd qodobka 1aad ha laga dhigo aan iyadna waxba layskaga tirin. Go’aankii uu Golahu ajandaha ku ansaxiyeyna uu noqday kolba xeerkii innagu soo horeeya uun aynu hawshiisa galno. Maxaa keenay in markii loo soo gudbiyey mooshin xeerka Doorashooyinka khuseeya la yidhaa qodobka 7aad ee ajandaha kal-fadhigan ayuu ku jiraa ee ha la gaadho? Maxay se xildhibaannadu uga hadli waayeen arrimahan xasaasiga ah ee la xidhiidha waajib gudashadooda? Xaqiiqdu waxay tahay in ay heshiis ku yihiin in ay ka dagaalamaan wixii doorashada lagu badelayo hawsheeda wada. Xitaa saddexda xisbi haddii ay diyaar u noqdaan in ay doorashadu qabsoonto, lagama yaabo in xubnaha Goleyaasha Sharci-dejintu ay ogolaadaan ama meel-mariyaan arrin wax ka taraya doorashada qabsoomideeda. Annigu iyaga ayaan u arkaa caqabada ugu culus ee u baahan in ay shacabku fahmaan.

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6)    Hannaanka soo xulista xubnaha Guddida Doorashooyinka Qaranka waxa loo raacayaa kala horaynta ku xusan Xeerka Doorashooyinka Golaha Deegaanka iyo Madaxtooyada (Xeer Lr. 20/2002) ee wax-ka-beddelka lagu sameeyey 15/9/2012 Qodobka 11aad, Farqada 2aad.

7)    Saddexda Xisbi Qaran waxay si wada jira u soo jeedinayaan in Xubnaha Guddida Doorashooyinka Qaranka ee cusub la dhaariyo ugu danbayn 15 October 2019.

Fadhigii Golaha Wakiillada kadib, maalmo ayey xukumada iyo mucaaradka midba midka kale uu ku eeddeeyey in uu heshiiskii ka baxay. Todobaad kadibna waxey ku heshiiyey in qodobadii heshiiska ee khuseeyey xulista iyo ansaxinta komishanka cusub la fuliyo, waxaanu Madaxweyne Muuse Biixi isagoo qodobadaas heshiiska ka duulaya wuxuu 25kii bisha Ogos 2019 qoraal u diray golaha guurtida iyo labada xisbi mucaarad, isagoo ka dalbaday inay u soo gudbiyaan xubnaha cusub ee ay u soo xulayaan guddiga doorashooyinka qaranka, “Si waafaqsan” ayuu yidhi Xeerka Doorashooyinka Madaxtooyada Iyo Goleyaasha Deegaanka Xeer Lr, 20/2001.

Muranka Magaabista Xubnaha Cusub ee KDQ

Sida uu u dhignaa qodobka 6aad ee heshiiska saddexda xisbi qaran waxay ku heshiiyeen in soo xulista xubnaha KDQ loo raaco kala horeynta ku xusan Xeer Lr. 20/2001 oo ay liiska ugu horeyso Golaha Guurtidu. Sida ay saxaafadda iyo xisbiyada mucaaradku ba sheegeen Guddoomiyaha Golaha Guurtidu horaantii bishii 9aad ee sannadkan ayuu Madaxweynaha u gudbiyey labadii xubnood ee uu xeerku siiyey soo xulistooda, oo lagu kala sheegay 1. Foosi Maxamed Faarax iyo 2. Cabdiraxmaan Maxamed Ismaaciil (Dixood). Waxaana la sheegay in Madaxweynahu uu ku celiyey Foosi Maxamed Faarax oo uu ka codsaday in ay soo badelaan. Inkastoo aan la hubin sababta dhabta ah ee uu Madaxweynahu ku sababeeyey in uu xubintan ku celiyo Golaha Guurtida, waxay saxaafadu ku sheegtay, Foosi laftiisuna uu warbaahinta ka caddeeyey in lagu eeddeeyey in uu ololahii Doorashada Madaxtooyada u ololeeyey Xisbiga WADDANI. Haseyeeshee, ugu dambeyn xubinta uu ku badelay ee uu Guddoomiye Saleebaan u gudbiyey Madaxweynahu wuxuu noqday Maxamuud Daahir Jaamac.

Guddoomiyaha Xisbiga UCID waxa uu isna 18-kii Ogos 2019 gudbiyey xubintii uu xisbigiisu  u soo xulay in ay kamid noqoto KDQ oo ah Xasan Yuusuf Ducaale. Xisbiga WADDANI ayaa isna gudbiyey xubintiisa oo wuxuu soo xulay Cabdikariim Yaasiin Sh. Dalmar. Ugu dambeyn, Madaxweynahu markuu xaqiiqsaday in uu gaadhay ujeeddadii uu ka lahaa qodobkii heshiiska ee kala horeynta xulista xubnaha KDQ, wuxuu isna liiskii uu Golaha Wakiillada u gudbiyey 12kii Oktoobar 2019 ku daray magacyada saddexdii xubnood ee uu xulistooda lahaa oo uu ka kala dhigay. 1.Mustafe Maxamed Daahir oo ah nin dhallinyaro ah oo aqoonyahan ah, 2. Kaltuun Sheekh Xasan Cabdi oo ka tirsanayd guddiga uu xilku ka dhammaanayo ee dorashooyinka iyo 3. Cabdirashiid Maxamuud Cali (Riyo Raac) oo ah siyaasi caan ah.

Isla maalintii uu Madaxweynahu gudbiyey liiska xubnaha uu u magacaabay KDQ, waxa bilaabmay in xisbiyada mucaaradku ay aad uga qayliyeen saddexda xubnood ee uu Madaxweynahu magacaabay, Madaxweynahuna wuxuu jawaabtiisa ku soo koobay dood aanu hore ugu dooddin Madaxweyne ku fadhiya kursiga uu hadda ku fadhiyo, wuxuu ku doodday“Annagu ba kuwiina wax kamaanu sheegin, kuwayaga waxba ha ka sheegina, iyo in go’aanka diidmada iyo ogolaanshaha uu iska leeyahay Golaha Wakiilladu oo isna ku qanci doono wixii ay go’aamiyaan.” Taasi waxay keentay in Xisbiga WADDANI uu la noqdo xubintii uu soo xulay ee uu hore u soo gudbiyey. Taasi oo aan sharciga meelna kaga jirin.

Inta aanan u gelin waxa ka jira doodda mucaaradka ee ah in xubnaha Madaxweynahu magacaabay qaarkood aanay buuxinayn shuruuddaha uu xeerku u dhigay xubnaha KDQ loo magacaabayo iyo qaabkii ay u dhacday ansaxintooda Golaha Wakiilladu, waxaan jeclahay in aan tilmaamo dhawr qodob oo ku cusub magaabista xubnahan cusub ee KDQ.

1.    Ugu horeyn waa markii ugu horeysay intii uu KDQ jiray ee xubin uu Madaxweyne u magacaabay KDQ lagu murmo in aanay buuxinayn shuruuddaha uu xeerku dhigayo ama loo tiriyo xisbi ba. Madaxweyneyaashii hore ee Cigaal, Rayaale iyo Siilaanyo midna laguma murmin xubin uu u magacaabay KDQ inta ogaalkayga ah. (Halkan ka akhri xogta siddeed muran oo hore uga dhashay magacaabista xubnaha KDQ)

2.    In xubinta keliya ee la soo celiyey xubnaha ay muddo-xileedoodu dhammaatay ee KDQ ay tahay xubin uu magacaabay Madaxweynahu, taasi waxay iyadna muujinaysaa in Madaxweynahu aanu ikhlaas ka ahayn in si wanaagsan ay wax u socdaan. Madaxweyne Rayaale iyo Siilaanyo labaduba marna may soo celin xubin dhammaysatay muddo-xileedkii KDQ. Weliba Madaxweyne Siilaanyo wuxuu ku celiyey guurtida laba xubnood oo muddo-xileedkoodii dhammaystay oo ay mar labaad soo magacaabeen, waxana labadaas kamid ahaa Cabdiraxmaan Dixood oo hadda kamid ah labada xubnood ee uu Golaha Guurtidu soo xulay.

3.    Waa markii ugu horeysay ee Madaxweyne aanu xisbiyada mucaaradka ku celin xubno ay soo magacaabeen isagoo ku dooddaya “Kuwiina waxba kama sheegayee, kuwayaga waxba ha ka sheegina” halka Madaxweynayaashii hore aanay ka ogolaan jirin in ay Golaha u gudbiyaan xubin ay u arkaan in aanay shuruuddaha buuxinayn.

4.    Waa markii kowaad ee uu xisbi mucaarad uu la noqdo xubin uu soo xulay isagoo ka cararaya in uu Golahu ansaxiyo iyadoo uu Madaxweynaha magacaabistiisa u gudbiyey Golaha Wakiilada.

Xubnaha Cusub ee lagu muransan yahay iyo Shuruuddaha uu xeerku dhigayo

Todobada xubnood ee la magacaabay afar kamid ah ayaa lagu doodday in aanay buuxinayn shuruuddaha uu xeerku dhigayo iyadoo mid walba asbaab gaar ah lagu durayo.

1.    Cabdirashiid Maxamed Cali (Riyo-raac) – shaki kuma jiro in uu yahay siyaasi caan ah, waxaa aad loogu dareensan yahay in aanu buuxin shuruudda ku cad Qod. 13aad, farqadiisa 5aad Xeer Lr. 20/2001 oo dhigaysa xubinta KDQ loo magacaabayaa “In aanu kamid ahayn urur/xisbi siyaasaddeed, kana madax-bannaan yahay” Cabdirashiid wuxuu ku jiray Golaha Dhexe ee Xisbiga KULMIYE, waxaanu hayey xil Wasiirnimo ilaa 2018 horaantiisii. Waxa la soo bandhigay sawiro caddeeyey in uu ka qayb-galay shirweynahii xisbiga KULMIYE ee ugu dambeeyey. Su’aasha ugu muhiimsan waxay tahay Cabdirashiid ma ka madax-bannaan yahay xisbiga KULMIYE? Jawaabtu waa MAYA sida aan annigu qabo. Fadhigii lagu ansaxinayey Guddida Arrimaha Gudahu may keenin caddayn uu Cabdirashiid soo gudbiyey oo muujinaysa xiliga uu Xisbiga KULMIYE ka baxay ilayn isagoo hadlaya oo muuqaal ah oo sheeganaya KULMIYE ayaa meel walba lagu hayaa ye?

Arrinta Cabdirashiid waxay la xidhiidhaa kiiskii Maxamed Xaashi Cilmi oo 2-dii Oktoober 2004-tii ay Xisbiyada UCID iyo KULMIYE si wadajir ah ugu magacaabeen Maxamed Xaashi Cilmi in uu noqdo xubinta buuxinaysa booska ka bannaanaaday KDQ oo ay bannaysay xubin geeriyootay oo magacaabeen lixdii urur-siyaasaddeed ee ugu horeeyey oo aanu ku jirin KULMIYE oo aan wakhtigaas la diiwaangelin. Madaxweyne Rayaale oo shan bilood kahor wakhtiga magacaabida oo ku beegnayd 3dii May 2004-tii Maxamed Xaashi ka qaaday xilkii Wasiirka Ganacsiga iyo Warshaddaha ee uu xukumadiisa ka hayey, wuxuu qoraal ku taariikheysnaa 14kii Diisembar 2004-tii ku diidday magacaabida Maxamed Xaashi isagoo ku doodday in aanay xubintani dhex u noqon karayn xisbiyada qaranka ama xukumada iyo mucaaradka maadaamaa uu muddo yar kahor ka qaaday xilkii Wasiirnimo ee uu xukumadiisa ka hayey oo uu weliba wakhti xaadirkan aad uga soo horjeedo xukumada. Ugu dambeyn, Xisbiga UCID ayaa kelidii soo badelay markii uu KULMIYE tanaasuli waayey.  Hadda weliba Maxamed Xaashi xisbiyadaas magacaabay midna xubin kamuu ahayn, balse kama madax-bannaanayn.

2.    Xubinta 2aad waa Kaltuun Sheekh Xasan Cabdi iyada cidna kuma dooddayso shuruud khaas ah oo aanay buuxinayni in ay jirto, balse waxa lagu dooddayaa in sida wacani ay ahayd in aanu Madaxweynahu soo celin oo uu isagu ikhlaas ka noqdo arrintan mar haddii dhammaan xubnahan uu wakhtigoodu dhammaanayaa ay yihiin xubnaha uu ka cabanayey Xisbiga WADDANI, Xisbiga WADDANI wuxuu ku dooddaya in heshiiska saddexda xisbi uu ahaa in aan la soo celin xubnahii hore ee KDQ. Inkastoo aanay qodobada heshiiska arrintaasi ku caddayn qodob kana mid ahayn.

3.    Mustafe Maxamed Daahir waa nin dhallinyaro ah oo aqoonyahan ah. Laba shuruudood uun buu shaki ku jiray siduu u buuxin doono. Labadaas shuruuduud oo ah da’diisa oo ay u badan tahay in aanu 40 jir gaadhin sida qodobka 13 faqradiisa 2aad ay shardiday iyo in uu yahay shaqaale dawladdeed maadaamaa uu ahaa Xoghayaha Golaha Wasiiradda laga bilaabo Sebtembar 2018, ilaa haddana lama caddayn in uu iscasilay. Ansaxinta Golaha CV-giisa markii la akhrinayey lama sheegin taariikhdiisa dhalashada maadaamaa shuruuddaha ay kamid tahay da’da qofku – xubnaha kale qaarkood taariikhdooda dhalashada waa la sheegay – balse xubnaha uu Madaxweynahu magacaabay waxay C.V-yadoodu ka bilaabmayaan waxbarashada oo taariikhda iyo goobta dhalashada lama sheegin.

Sidoo kale markii Golaha loo akhrinayey C.Vgiisa lama sheegin shaqadan ugu dambeysay ee uu Madaxtooyada ka hayey oo waxaa laga bilaabay in uu Child-protection-ka ka soo shaqeeyey sannadkii 2017-ka. Qoraallada uu soo gudbiyey waxa lagu soo koobay dembi la’aan iyo baadhis caafimaad. Xitaa in uu iska casilay shaqadii Xoghayaha Golaha Wasiirada oo illaa bishii Oktoobar gudaheeda cinwaankiisa LINKEDIN ugu qornayd, balse hadda ugu qoran in uu ka tegay Ogos 2019 oo ah bilowgii magacaabida xubnaha KDQ. Xitaa iscasilaad hadduu keeni lahaa, sidan u qoran ayaa caddayn ugu filan in isagoo shaqaale dawladdeed oo weliba Madaxtooyada ka shaqeeya loo xulay in loo magacaabo xubin KDQ kamid ah.

Arrinta Mustafe waxay la xidhiidhaa kiiskii ugu horeeyey ee xubin uu Golaha Wakiilladu ku diiddo xubin KDQ loo magacaabay. Muran lagu murmo magacaabida xubnaha KDQ waxa UGU HOREEYEY markii Madaxweyne Cigaal (Alle ha u naxariistee) uu magacaabay xubnahii ugu horeeyey ee Komishanka Doorashooyinka Qaranka (KDQ), una gudbiyey Golaha Wakiillada 18kii Disembar 2001. Golaha Wakiilladu wuxuu fadhigiisii qabsoomay 21-kii Jeenawari 2003 ku ansaxiyey lix xubnood, balse Muuse Jaamac Maxamed oo uu soo magacaabay Golaha Guurtidu ayaa waayey codkii aqlabiyada golaha; waxa u coddeeyey 40 xubnood waxaana loo baahnaa in ay u coddeeyaan ugu yaraan 43 Xildhibaan.

Asbaabta xubintan lagu diidday waxa lagu sheegay in aan la caddeyn shaqo ka tegida xilka La Taliyaha Sharci oo uu ka hayey Golaha Guurtida, waxana loo cuskaday Qod. 11(1)(d) Xeer Lr. 20/2001 (imika se ah Qod. 12(2)(d) Wax-ka-badelka 6aad ee 2017).

4.    Cabdikariim  Yaasiin Sh. Dalmar – waxa lagu sheegay in uu ka tirsan yahay Xisbiga WADDANI, inkastoo aan inta badan la soo bandhigin caddaymo buuxa oo arrintaas caddeynaya. Haseyeeshee, haddii ay caddaato isna waxa hortaal shuruudda Qod. 13aad, farqaddiisa 5aad Xeer Lr. 20/2001. Sidoo kale waxay xubintan ku sifoowday xubin ku shaqaynaysa awaamiirta xisbiga soo xulay sababtoo isagoo la magacaabay oo sidaas kaga gudbay marxaladii xulashada ayuu u hoggaansamay qaraarkii xisbigu ku hakiyey xubinnimadiisa oo aan sharciga meelna ka soo galin. Taasi waxay muujinaysaa in uu yahay xubin aan ka madax-bannaanayn xisbiga, waxaanay taasi muujinaysaa in aanu ku sifoobin shuruudda ku cad Qod. 13aad, farqaddiisa 5aad Xeer Lr. 20/2001.

 Sidaas darteed, ansaxinta xubnaha KDQ ee Golaha Wakiilladu waxay ahayd mid aan loo marin hannaankii sharci oo Guddi-hoosaadka Arrimaha Gudaha ee golahu aanay waajibkii saarnaa u gudan sifo sharciga waafaqan, isla markaana aanay coddeynta golahu u dhicin si sharci ah maadaamaa sida muuqatay aan la soo gudbin dhammaan caddaymahii muujinayey in xubnaha qaarkood ay buuxiyeen dhammaan shuruuddaha uu xeerku dhigayo.

Waxa xisbiyada mucaaradka ah u bannaan oo keliya in ay go’aanka Golaha Wakiillada ee ansaxinta xubnaha KDQ uga cawdaan Maxkamadda Sarre ee JSL. Waana qaabka keliya ee loo saxi karo khaladaadka sharci ee ka dhacay Golaha Wakiillada ama murankan looga gaadhi karo go’aan kama dambeys ah.

Qalinkii: Garyaqaan Cabdishakuur Cali Muxumed (Good-Lawyer)

Email: goodlawyer2014@gmail.com

Burco, Soomaaliland.