Written by:
Advocate Mohamed Ahmed Abdi (Bacaluul)
As the Somaliland Foreign affairs take
different course which is more different from the conservative and rigid
approach of the previous administrations, namely Egal and Riyale governments,
there is a strong backlash of skeptics and unanswered questions relating to the
current trends. Most of these concerns are far deeper than the critics of the
political rivals and its interested commentators but extended to the public at
large. We see the Ministry of foreign affairs playing active role rather than
reserving its conservative position or being responsive to the baseless claims
of Mogadisho administrations. Recent overseas activities of Silanyo
administration are strange to our political conduct. The political membrane
that keeps power-hungry local politicians from getting involved in the projects
of Federal-building efforts is worn thinner and thinner now. The Law that was
prohibiting, Somalilanders to hold political positions or participate in
Somalia-related arrangements were suspended, photographs of Federal and
Somaliland President standing side by side was first time published, convicted
Pirates descended From the South were shipped to Somaliland detention facilities as it is
their homeland. The control of our airspace seems to be merged with the air of
Somalia under the current agreements.
Where are we going from her is the main question that racked our brains.
Because until now, the Ministry of foreign affairs did not formulate formal
foreign policy.
In the practical sense, we have to
acknowledge that steps were taken to the right side and stop blaming the
unfriendly gestures of the foreign faces to our diplomatic agents, who bore
such embarrassments for the sake of our nation. It is very hard for us to know
where we are standing, unless we examine the procedures and tools employed for
the theoretical judgments relating to the ways we behave when we are beyond the
borders of the state. If there are no yet well-accepted standards or
parameters, we are bound to find ourselves in the maze of contradicting
arguments or confuse with the waves baseless critics from the media and the
street cafes.
In the face of the politically
manipulated reactions, the incumbent authority is forced to be more defensive
rather than illustrative. As the echo of the political challenges gets higher,
we find our government drifting away from the pragmatic context of its
interfaces with the foreign states. It
is the time that protocol arrangements, red carpets and the background of
Somaliland Flag are construed as the theme of diplomatic breakthrough claimed
by the ruling government. This hollow argument tends to be one of the
persuasive tactics used by the government to cool down the ensuing heat of the
internal grumbles.
Returning to the current headlines of
our interaction with the outside world, now, we should refresh the way we are
looking at things. Because, Silanyo is the captain of the boat this time. He
raised and spread up the sail, expecting speedy winds that could push us to our
destination. He is impatient with the snail-moving foreign affairs of his
predecessors. Accordingly, he blew the awakening whistle to line-up his crew
for the diplomatic adventures that lies ahead. His administration seems to be
more adamant in reforming our foreign affairs without conceding to the opposite
calls of the conservative politicians. Former Foreign Minister reiterated the
need for a diplomatic change, and attacked the avoidance policy and the non-participative
approach of the previous governments. For him, the process of our foreign
conduct in Riyale’s administration was more idealistic rather than realistic.
Our foreign policy was obsolete and incompatible with the dramatic regional and
international trends, particularly to the situations that could have
substantial effects on our geopolitical and social aspects. For this reason,
Somaliland government should prepare itself to become one of the active players
in the regional policies and transactions.
Following to the initiative of
reformists, Somaliland put itself in the frontline of the world-wide battles
against the piracy. We signed bilateral agreements concerning the transfer of
convicted Somali pirates with Seychelles.
Though Riyale’s government was more reluctant or one could say it had
taken strong position against the idea of hosting inmates shipped from another
country due to security concerns or labeling such transaction as unfavorable to
our national interest. Somaliland is for the Somaliland pirates not for Somalia
was the rhetoric of their political discourse.
The national conference announced by
independent politicians (The Forum of Consultation and National Guidance) is
not the solution, because things are not worse to that extent. Although our
headlights are dim as the shrouding fog that we are going through is getting
thicker, we still have some reasons to be optimistic. The government still has
some confidence and time to review it decisions. Yes, personally we appreciated
your concerns over the future of Somaliland, about our dialogue with Somalia,
and the potential uncertainties that need to be inclusively studied under
far-sighted discussions participated by wide spectrum of politicians and civil
society groups. But being admired with your views does not mean, you have a
right to wear the shirt of the elected government.
Somaliland’s relations with outside
world should not be determined by occasional meetings held in London or Rome
nor the men appointed to run Ministry Of foreign affairs. Our reciprocal
intercourses, relations and mutual interests with a given state should be
directed by a formal policy. A written policy document which has legitimacy
through parliamentary enactment is indispensable for the future of diplomatic
engagements. Without policy, we will not have any idea on what our government
is doing, and where we are standing in the face of dynamic global and regional
trends. It is the policy that defines the roles of the government, of the
political parties, civil societies and Diaspora in lobbing for Somaliland
Recognition.
In the absence of Formal policy, there
are other instruments that determine the limits of our foreign conducts. All
activities and agreements are to be measured through testing indicators that
will determine their conformity to our national principles, their benefits to
our geopolitical interests as well as our aspiration to international
recognition; Somaliland Constitution is the source of legitimacy that defines
the accuracy of the decisions and intercourses of our foreign officials. To
hold the government accountable, transparency and parliamentary oversight is also
paramount.
As we find ourselves in the middle of a
dramatic diplomatic engagements led by the international community, our
government should not underestimate the weights of the ongoing talks we have with
Somalia. We are in the first step of a long, thorny process that is stretched
far behind the term of Silanyo administration. Now, Somaliland government chose
to be out of its shell, after more than two decades. This means we have more
guts to put our entity as a separate State in to the test tube of the
international politics, while our counterparts continue denying our historical
and factual existence. In my perception, there is long way to go and Somaliland
question though, it is not succeeded to become an internationally addressed
issue; it is not comparatively less complicated than Israeli-Palestinian
dispute. For this reason, we should institutionalize our negotiations with
Somalia by internally addressing major elements that could be brought on the
table and forecasting the challenging positions of our rivals in every
dimension of the negotiating process.
These preparatory engagements will not be
possible without establishing structural body equipped with all affordable
means necessary for the fulfillment of this cumbersome mandate. An institution
that will embark long-term strategic perceptions that would lead our
negotiating positions in the cycles of our talks is the first things first. The
office will do systematic and practical researches steered by concerned experts
who are able to foresee the best alternatives if things turn in to
upside-down. Politically non-partisan
and technically selected experts ranging from historians, legal scholars,
individuals with the knowledge of international relations should be assigned to
undertake such massive task rather than leaving the entire job to
easy-come-easy-going politically appointees.
Calling the negotiating members or
putting things together within two or three days before scheduled date of the
meeting will not take us anywhere. It is evident that members of the
negotiating envoy are not structurally cohesive, cooperative or they are poorly
organized when they return to the country due to their bureaucratic divisions
within government. Everyone has a load of awaiting works in his office, thus
none of them would have a time to review the effects of the previous
discussions or anticipate the possibilities of the upcoming phases.
Avenue for the meetings should also be
taken into consideration. The influence of the hosting states and its
international status are one of the core elements that determine the prospects
of the negotiating process. For instance, one can question what we can expect
from Turkey, as the hosting state of Somaliland and Somalia summit. It is a
diplomatically isolated when it comes to international arena, as well as,
regionally non-active state. Furthermore, Turkey is not supposed to appreciate our
separatist approach, due to the fear of the separatist PKK movement. Arabs are
not expected to contribute much, because they are susceptible to the directions
of Egyptian foreign policies, which since Soodare conference or for the purpose
of its strategic regional preferences chose to diplomatically and economically
isolate Somaliland from the Arab club. Hence, we should have a say in selection
of the states hosting the meeting that could take place between Somaliland and
Somalia. The country should have influential power and commitment to follow up
how the parties are implementing their agreed terms.
Apart from the government, Oppositions
and independent thinkers have obligations and responsibilities when we are
dealing with foreign entities. In this national commitment, they should not sit
on the fence to wait the scores of the game in order to exploit the resultant
failures of the government for their own political interests. They should come
up with their ideas and share their recommendation to the government using all
available channels they have. It is better for them to show their position as
an earlier precautionary guidance to the negotiators, rather than rushing to the
critics of the government in a time we cannot re-adjust our positions.
I would like to conclude that admitting
defeat is sometime worse than ignoring the reality, especially when your
opponents are unaware of the suffering they inflicted to you. So we should
avoid sinking like layer of foam when the outlook of things is getting bleak to
our perceptions. In such like situations, we should stand with the government
and fuel up with our confidence to make it move on till the end line of the
race.
Advocate Mohamed Ahmed Abdi (Bacaluul)
